peoples bank cuba mo

Sullivan defeated Cuba in the first round of the Peoples Bank Holiday Classic Monday in Sullivan. To order photo reprints, click the "Buy This Photo" button. Peoples Bank Financial Reports - Balance Sheet, Income Statement, Capital Ratios. Cuba, Missouri, 65453, Updated: 2021-08-17. Peoples Bank provides financial services to the residents of Crawford County in Missouri. It offers personal and business services, including checking, money. peoples bank cuba mo

You can watch a thematic video

Peoples bank

Peoples bank cuba mo -

Routing Number and Information

Peoples Bank branch in Newton, NC

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number53104869
Bank CityNewton
Bank StateNC

Peoples Bank branch in Red Level, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number62104397
Bank CityRed Level
Bank StateAL

Peoples Bank branch in Greensboro, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number62201533
Bank CityGreensboro
Bank StateAL

Peoples Bank branch in Clifton, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number64103464
Bank CityClifton
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number65303467
Bank CityMendenhall
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank branch in Biloxi, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number65500752
Bank CityBiloxi
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank branch in Rock Valley, IA

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number73922005
Bank CityRock Valley
Bank StateIA

Peoples Bank branch in Elkhorn, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number75917898
Bank CityElkhorn
Bank StateWI

Peoples Bank branch in Cuba, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number81506552
Bank CityCuba
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank branch in Brownstown, IN

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83905326
Bank CityBrownstown
Bank StateIN

Peoples Bank branch in Mount Washington, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83905630
Bank CityMount Washington
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank branch in Marion, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83907955
Bank CityMarion
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank branch in Ripley, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number84205452
Bank CityRipley
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank branch in Overland Park, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101007041
Bank CityOverland Park
Bank StateKS

Peoples Bank branch in Coldwater, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101104779
Bank CityColdwater
Bank StateKS

Peoples Bank branch in Tulsa, OK

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number103908669
Bank CityTulsa
Bank StateOK

Peoples Bank branch in Ranchos De Taos, NM

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number107004491
Bank CityRanchos De Taos
Bank StateNM

Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111316887
Bank CityLubbock
Bank StateTX

Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111916656
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX

Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111924554
Bank CityColleyville
Bank StateTX

Peoples Bank branch in Lynden, WA

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number125104425
Bank CityLynden
Bank StateWA

Peoples Bank branch in Lynden, WA


Peoples Bank branch in Clifton, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number64103464
Bank Code NameP B Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address129 Main Street
Bank CityClifton
Bank StateTN
Bank Zip38425
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbbanking.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Westville, OK


Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111316887
Bank Code NameTexas Peoples National Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address35 South Plaza
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX
Bank Zip75460
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbparis.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111916656
Bank Code NameTexas Peoples National Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address35 South Plaza
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX
Bank Zip75460
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbparis.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111924554
Bank Code NameTexas Peoples National Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address35 South Plaza
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX
Bank Zip75460
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbparis.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Rock Valley, IA

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number73922005
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp
Bank Address1230 Valley Drive
Bank CityRock Valley
Bank StateIA
Bank Zip51247
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoples-ebank.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Coldwater, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101007041
Bank Code NameStockgrowers State Bank Employee Stock Ownership Plan
Bank Address101 East Main
Bank CityColdwater
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip67029
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankcoldwater.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Coldwater, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101104779
Bank Code NameStockgrowers State Bank Employee Stock Ownership Plan
Bank Address101 East Main
Bank CityColdwater
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip67029
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankcoldwater.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Lebanon, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83905630
Bank Code NameCommunity Financial Of Kentucky, Inc.
Bank Address265 Old Springfield Road
Bank CityLebanon
Bank StateKY
Bank Zip40033
Bank Websitehttp://www.pboflebanon.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Lebanon, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83907955
Bank Code NameCommunity Financial Of Kentucky, Inc.
Bank Address265 Old Springfield Road
Bank CityLebanon
Bank StateKY
Bank Zip40033
Bank Websitehttp://www.pboflebanon.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Cuba, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number81506552
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorporation, Inc.
Bank Address408 W, Washington Street
Bank CityCuba
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip65453
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbk.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS


Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS


Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS


Peoples Bank branch in Tulsa, OK

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number103908669
Bank Code NamePeoples State Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address445 South Lewis Avenue
Bank CityTulsa
Bank StateOK
Bank Zip74150
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanktulsa.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Newton, NC

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number53104869
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp Of North Carolina, Inc.
Bank Address518 West C Street
Bank CityNewton
Bank StateNC
Bank Zip28658
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanknc.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Lawrence, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101007041
Bank Code NameWinter Trust Of 12/3/74
Bank Address4831 West 6th Street
Bank CityLawrence
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip66044
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankingunusual.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Lawrence, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101104779
Bank Code NameWinter Trust Of 12/3/74
Bank Address4831 West 6th Street
Bank CityLawrence
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip66044
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankingunusual.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Elkhorn, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number75917898
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address837 N. Wisconsin Street
Bank CityElkhorn
Bank StateWI
Bank Zip53121
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankwi.com/

Peoples Bank And Trust Company branch in Mcpherson, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank And Trust Company
Bank Routing Number101101581
Bank CityMcpherson
Bank StateKS

Peoples Bank And Trust Company branch in Mcpherson, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank And Trust Company
Bank Routing Number101101581
Bank Code NamePbt Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address101 South Main Street
Bank CityMcpherson
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip67460
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankonline.com/

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Caldwell, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44106944
Bank CityCaldwell
Bank StateOH

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Marietta, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44202505
Bank CityMarietta
Bank StateOH

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Marietta, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44106944
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp Inc.
Bank Address138 Putnam Street
Bank CityMarietta
Bank StateOH
Bank Zip45750
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbancorp.com/

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Marietta, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44202505
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp Inc.
Bank Address138 Putnam Street
Bank CityMarietta
Bank StateOH
Bank Zip45750
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbancorp.com/

Peoples Bank Of Alabama branch in Cullman, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Alabama
Bank Routing Number62203010
Bank CityCullman
Bank StateAL

Peoples Bank Of Alabama branch in Cullman, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Alabama
Bank Routing Number62203010
Bank Code NameAltrust Financial Services, Inc.
Bank Address811 Second Avenue, S.w.
Bank CityCullman
Bank StateAL
Bank Zip35055
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankal.com/

Peoples Bank Of Altenburg branch in Altenburg, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Altenburg
Bank Routing Number81908590
Bank CityAltenburg
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank Of Altenburg branch in Altenburg, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Altenburg
Bank Routing Number81908590
Bank Code NameLincoln County Bancorp, Inc.
Bank AddressMain At Hahn
Bank CityAltenburg
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip63732
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesoa.com/

Peoples Bank Of Bullitt County branch in Shepherdsville, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Bullitt County
Bank Routing Number83901414
Bank CityShepherdsville
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Of Commerce branch in Cambridge, MN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Commerce
Bank Routing Number91913216
Bank CityCambridge
Bank StateMN

Peoples Bank Of Commerce branch in Cambridge, MN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Commerce
Bank Routing Number91913216
Bank Code NameDuke Financial Group, Inc.
Bank Address234 First Avenue East
Bank CityCambridge
Bank StateMN
Bank Zip55008
Bank Websitehttp://www.e-pbc.com/

Peoples Bank Of East Tennessee branch in Madisonville, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of East Tennessee
Bank Routing Number64208398
Bank CityMadisonville
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank Of East Tennessee branch in Madisonville, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of East Tennessee
Bank Routing Number64208398
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancshares Of Tn, Inc.
Bank Address4511 U.s. Highway 411
Bank CityMadisonville
Bank StateTN
Bank Zip37354
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbank-tn.com/

Peoples Bank Of Ewing branch in Ewing, VA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Ewing
Bank Routing Number51405803
Bank CityEwing
Bank StateVA

Peoples Bank Of Graceville branch in Graceville, FL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Graceville
Bank Routing Number63209660
Bank CityGraceville
Bank StateFL

Peoples Bank Of Graceville branch in Graceville, FL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Graceville
Bank Routing Number63209660
Bank Code NamePbg Financial Services, Inc.
Bank Address5306 Brown St
Bank CityGraceville
Bank StateFL
Bank Zip32440
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesgraceville.com/

Peoples Bank Of Kankakee County branch in Bourbonnais, IL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Kankakee County
Bank Routing Number71923404
Bank CityBourbonnais
Bank StateIL

Peoples Bank Of Kankakee County branch in Bourbonnais, IL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Kankakee County
Bank Routing Number71923404
Bank Code NameRomy Hammes, Inc.
Bank Address315 Main Street, N.w.
Bank CityBourbonnais
Bank StateIL
Bank Zip60914
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankdirect.com/

Peoples Bank Of Kentucky Inc branch in Flemingsburg, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Kentucky Inc
Bank Routing Number42102788
Bank CityFlemingsburg
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Of The Ozarks branch in Nixa, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of The Ozarks
Bank Routing Number81515462
Bank CityNixa
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank Of The Ozarks branch in Nixa, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of The Ozarks
Bank Routing Number81515462
Bank Code NamePeoples Service Company
Bank Address307 West Mt. Vernon Street
Bank CityNixa
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip65714
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanking.com/

Peoples Bank Of The South branch in La Follette, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of The South
Bank Routing Number64206031
Bank CityLa Follette
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank Of The South branch in La Follette, TN


Peoples Bank Of Virginia branch in Richmond, VA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Virginia
Bank Routing Number51409142
Bank CityRichmond
Bank StateVA

Peoples Bank Of Virginia branch in Richmond, VA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Virginia
Bank Routing Number51409142
Bank Address2702 North Parham Road
Bank CityRichmond
Bank StateVA
Bank Zip23294
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbva.com/

Peoples Bank Of Wisconsin branch in Hayward, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Wisconsin
Bank Routing Number91810623
Bank CityHayward
Bank StateWI

Peoples Bank Of Wisconsin branch in Hayward, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Wisconsin
Bank Routing Number91810623
Bank Code NameHayward Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address10583 Main
Bank CityHayward
Bank StateWI
Bank Zip54843
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankofwi.com/

Peoples Bank Sb branch in Munster, IN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Sb
Bank Routing Number271973924
Bank CityMunster
Bank StateIN

Peoples Bank Sb branch in Munster, IN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Sb
Bank Routing Number271973924
Bank Code NameNorthwest Indiana Bancorp
Bank Address9204 Columbia Avenue
Bank CityMunster
Bank StateIN
Bank Zip46321
Bank Websitehttp://www.ibankpeoples.com/

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Buford, GA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number61103153
Bank CityBuford
Bank StateGA

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Pana, IL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number71122535
Bank CityPana
Bank StateIL

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Pana, IL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number71122535
Bank Code NamePeople First Bancshares, Inc.
Bank AddressThird And Locust Streets
Bank CityPana
Bank StateIL
Bank Zip62557
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankpbt.com/

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Buford, GA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number61103153
Bank Code NamePeoples Banktrust, Inc.
Bank Address1899 Buford Highway
Bank CityBuford
Bank StateGA
Bank Zip30518
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanktrust.com/

Peoples Bank Trust Co branch in Troy, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co
Bank Routing Number81910232
Bank CityTroy
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank Trust Co branch in Troy, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co
Bank Routing Number81910232
Bank Code NameLincoln County Bancorp, Inc.
Bank Address430 East Wood Street
Bank CityTroy
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip63379
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbtc.net/

Peoples Bank Trust Co Madison Cty branch in Berea, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co Madison Cty
Bank Routing Number42101268
Bank CityBerea
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Trust Co Of Hazard branch in Hazard, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co Of Hazard
Bank Routing Number42107424
Bank CityHazard
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch in Manchester, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number64102384
Bank CityManchester
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch in North Carrollton, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number84203593
Bank CityNorth Carrollton
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch in North Carrollton, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number84203593
Bank Code NamePeoples Commerce Corporation
Bank AddressMain Street
Bank CityNorth Carrollton
Bank StateMS
Bank Zip38947

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch in Manchester, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number64102384
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp, Inc.
Bank Address1203 Hillsboro Boulevard
Bank CityManchester
Bank StateTN
Bank Zip37355
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankwithpeoples.com/


Open PDF File- Learn how to open Portable Document Format File, Open DWG File- Learn how to open Audocad Drawing file, Open DMG File- Learn how to open Apple Installation Package files.
Copyright © 2018 routingnumbercheck.com
Источник: https://routingnumbercheck.com/PEOPLES_BANK

Introduction

This article is written by Akshita Rohatgi and Loreal Sahay, students of GGSIP University, New Delhi. It covers the journey of cryptocurrency in India, analyzes the merits of banning and regulating it and lays down the path forward.

This article mainly deals with the draft Cryptocurrency and Regulation of Official Digital Currency Bill, 2021, which was proposed by the Indian Government and has become a key area of discussion amongst academicians and experts alike. It explores the emergence of cryptocurrency in the modern world. The article lays down arguments in favour of both sides of the coin- is a complete ban on cryptocurrency favourable or are regulatory measures better suited for India? Finding the latter more apt in the current scenario, this article also provides constructive and detailed measures that the Indian Government can undertake to ensure the same.

The Global Financial Crisis of 2008, triggered by the collapse of Lehman Brothers bank, devastated the international economy. Against this backdrop, a paper titled ‘Bitcoin’ was published under the pseudonym ‘Satoshi Nakamoto’, arguing for a peer-to-peer electronic cash network. Soon after, the first block of Bitcoin – the ‘Genesis Block’ was unveiled, signifying a landmark in the field of cryptocurrency. One of the first transactions with Bitcoin was in 2010, where 10,000 Bitcoins were used to buy two pizzas. 

Coming to India, it took a few years for the currency to pick up the pace. By 2012-13, Bitcoin started gaining some prominence within the international community, which left its imprint on India. The turning point was the demonetization of 100/- and 500/- Rupee notes in 2016. The uncertainties of physical currency drove people to invest in bitcoin. However, this came to be short-lived. In 2017, the Government of India warned the people against possible fraud using Bitcoin, which suppressed its demand by a considerable margin.

This trend continued in the Union Budget of 2018-19 when the Union Government announced that no form of cryptocurrencies would be regarded as legal tender in India due to market risks and uncertainties. Consequently, the Reserve Bank of India banned the transaction- buying or selling- of cryptocurrencies in India. Two years later, this prohibition was reversed by the Supreme Court in the case of Internet and Mobile Association vs. RBI (2020).  The reason offered was that the prohibition was violating the Fundamental Right to Carry on Business, as enshrined in Article 19(1)(g) of the Indian Constitution. The ban was disproportionate to its objectives of preventing scams and thus, did not fulfill the requirements of proportionality.

Due to this tumultuous journey of Bitcoin in India, the Central Government is considering the Cryptocurrency and Regulation of Official Digital Currency Bill. The February 2021 draft attempted to ban private cryptocurrencies and bring in India’s official digital currency issued by the RBI. However, as of 26th November 2021, the Bill intends to make the trading of a few particular private cryptocurrencies explicitly legal in India, while banning all others. Since the negotiations are ongoing and the nature is rapidly changing, it would be fallacious to speculate on any outcomes. 

The fear of uncertainty

Cryptocurrency, as we have already established before, is a form of digital currency. Thus, there is no Central Authority that regulates their functioning and exchange. Consequently, this may lead to an environment where criminals would be propagated and encouraged since no checks or regulation system exists on this platform.

Criminal activities

This digital currency world is possibly the favourite playground of any crime due to the anonymity it offers. Most of the illegal markets and criminals on the Dark Web accept payment only through Bitcoins because of their transactions’ instantaneous and hidden nature. According to Elliptic, criminals have become more sophisticated in using cryptocurrencies to launder money, with millions of dollars of dirty funds flowing through digital wallets to hide their trail.

Terrorist funding

In 2019, the military wing of the terrorist organization Hamas, named Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, managed to collect money through a website that would generate a new Bitcoin address for every donor to send their donations. They also generated a campaign where they taught people how to donate money anonymously. This is a quintessential example of how technologically competent criminals and terrorists can take advantage of cryptocurrency and exploit this platform for their gains.

Illicit crypto mining

Outside the realm of regular cryptocurrency lies the world of crypto mining. In layman terms, illicit crypto mining is when malicious JavaScript or any other applications are installed on a specific device or embedded into a webpage, with the intention of mining cryptocurrency through the device or browsers of the visitors. This highlights the risk of installation of malware and fraud through Bitcoin. 

High risk for investors

Most cryptocurrencies are subject to fluctuations in their value as well as their market. For instance, a period of high rising value may be followed by a period that leads to a collapse in this value. The volatile nature of cryptocurrencies makes it a dangerous forefront for investments by private investors, corporations or banks due to the high investment risks that may follow.

Capital

For an industry that was not even on the charts a decade ago, cryptocurrency snowballed and is now a trillion-dollar industry. Bitcoin takes up a healthy piece of the pie, with $600 Billion in net worth. Hailed to be a ‘civilizational advance’ compared to the internet itself, on banning cryptocurrency, India risks cutting itself off this rapidly expanding industry. This would also have the inadvertent consequence of discouraging foreign capital from reaching India.

Moreover, considering the size of investment Indians have already made in cryptocurrency, a ban would criminalize the holdings of innocent Indians, and drive their capital away from India to secure havens of other countries with more liberal laws. Instead, India offering a conducive environment for cryptocurrency to grow and flourish would attract foreign capital and investments to our country. 

Sovereignty

Cryptocurrencies are decentralized currency, not controlled by any government or supranational entity. The New York Times in early 2019 published an article claiming cryptocurrency would undermine the US’s sanctions on Iran, and US Congressman Brad Sherman went on to claim bitcoin to be a danger to the dominance of the US Dollar. In fact, Bitcoin has often been called ‘Digital Gold‘ because of its reliability and independence from state power. Thus, prominence in the Bitcoin market would allow India to safeguard its sovereignty by mitigating the threat of US sanctions on India.

Authenticity of transactions

The popular myth is that cryptocurrency encourages financial frauds and is unreliable. This disregards the fact that cryptocurrencies’ blockchain technology is considered highly reliable, as it creates an unalterable record of every transaction concerning Bitcoin, which is disseminated to users across the network. This could help completely autonomate or robotize accounting by limiting fabrication and forgery. In India, this could be a game-changer, as it would reduce corruption and increase trust in our financial systems.

Independence, innovation and exclusion

It is in the very nature of Blockchain technology to have open-source codes, even allowing users root access to its entire database and replay any actions executed by that Blockchain. This has led to significant advances in the digital realm, and certain Blockchain developers are building technologies that would allow users to control their login identities, notification systems that do not require Big Tech intervention and much more.

Further, Blockchain  is a reliable technology, especially for transferring assets between people,  since it allows verification of the transfer. This allows broad scope for the digitization of stocks, bonds, and various other financial apparatuses. The concept of Decentralized Finance (“DeFi”) talks about replacing the traditional system of centralized finance controlled by states. It relies entirely on decentralized money, i.e., cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin. If implemented, it would change the nature of the financial system as we know it. On banning private cryptocurrencies, India loses access to this revolutionary next-generation technology and plays a role in developing these technologies. 

Various countries have adopted a generous view of cryptocurrency. For instance, in the USA, federal agencies and policymakers have generally praised cryptocurrency for its progressive nature and have deemed it an essential part of its future infrastructure. So far, the country has wisely opted for a broader paradigm to regulate the use of cryptocurrency. Similarly, Singapore follows a balanced and justified regulatory system in terms of cryptocurrencies. In fact, a senior Minister, Tharman Shanmugaratnam, stated in an interview that the country would encourage experiments in Blockchain so that these innovations could turn out to be helpful for the country, economically and socially. However, at the same time, they also acknowledged the fact that they will stay alert to new risks.

Taking inspiration from these countries, we propose regulating cryptocurrency, but in a way that would suit Indian needs. Making laws to mitigate risks associated with cryptocurrency while pushing a Digital Rupee and building a new and fair digital institution for billions of people worldwide would be most favourable for India’s strategic and economic interests. A liberal regulatory environment for cryptocurrency would allow crypto-capital to enter India, which would help us encourage the development of decentralized crypto protocols that are not invasive and do not centre the authority in any nation. India can pursue its self-interest through this decentralized platform, giving it an edge in the international market and other international institutions.

Moving on to domestic advantages and the Digital Rupee, there is a widely held assumption that cryptocurrency will disturb our Government’s monetary policy. However, the efficient use of cryptocurrency will end up strengthening our monetary policy instead. To elucidate, let us consider an analogy. Why does the RBI hold over 600 tonnes of physical gold? The reason is that in the event of an economic crisis, the rupee may need to be backed by gold. Thus, a digital rupee may need to be backed by digital gold. 

To clarify this further, any country’s national currency is traded against every other currency in the world in a global foreign exchange market. This is why all the central banks worldwide continue to hold gold; it is a buffer against inflation and is internationally accepted even in a crisis. Cryptocurrency is valuable for the very same reasons that gold is accepted widely and internationally, highly scarce and cannot be seized with a keypress. So, a digital rupee will need to have digital gold for times of crisis to mitigate the threat of this digital rupee’s inflation. 

Banning cryptocurrency would exclude us from this rapidly expanding industry while the various countries keep moving forward. On the contrary, regulating and taking advantage of this new technology would help India advance its interests while shaping the new world order. Efficient regulation would also help prevent scams and illicit use of cryptocurrency. Better insight into what the Bill can bring can only be ascertained once the Bill is presented and its text made public.


Students of Lawsikho courses regularly produce writing assignments and work on practical exercises as a part of their coursework and develop themselves in real-life practical skills.

LawSikho has created a telegram group for exchanging legal knowledge, referrals, and various opportunities. You can click on this link and join:

https://t.me/joinchat/L9vr7LmS9pJjYTQ9

Follow us on Instagram and subscribe to our YouTube channel for more amazing legal content.

Sneha Mahawar

Источник: https://blog.ipleaders.in/cryptocurrency-in-india-to-be-or-not-to-be/

Peoples Bank

LOC8NEARME
Banks
Hours:

Tips

Hours

Business operations may be affected due to COVID-19. Please contact the business directly to verify hours.

Most Recent Comments

  • April 2018

    I have been using this bank for 15 years. The bank ALWAYS takes care of me. They are trustworthy and friendly. I used to have accounts at other local banks that were incompetent. If you want a bank that cares, this the one. The banking staff is great. They protect their customers. Thank you Peoples Bank for taking care... read full comment

  • February 2018

    Great customer service at the Sullivan branch. Every visit greeted by friendly staff and make it a quick and easy visit. Highly recommend banking with Peoples Bank.

More Comments(11)

You May Also Like

Источник: https://www.loc8nearme.com/missouri/cuba/peoples-bank/2566153/
253 NE 28th St, Fort Worth, TX 76164

Источник: https://loancounty.com/missouri/cuba/peoples-bank-mo-head-office

Peoples Bank Cuba, Missouri

Peoples Bank, #1

Total Assets:$5,060,426K
Deposits:$4,255,130K
Net Income:$27,619K
# of Branches:83
FDIC Cert:#6544
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #2

Total Assets:$2,634,957K
Deposits:$2,387,120K
Net Income:$11,907K
# of Branches:24
FDIC Cert:#6158
More Information...

Peoples Bank, #3

Total Assets:$1,602,973K
Deposits:$1,395,099K
Net Income:$8,109,000
# of Branches:22
FDIC Cert:#29523
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #4

Total Assets:$1,598,668K
Deposits:$1,395,558K
Net Income:$9,084,000
# of Branches:20
FDIC Cert:#5956
More Information...

Peoples Bank, #5

Total Assets:$889,851K
Deposits:$797,900K
Net Income:$5,341,000
# of Branches:12
FDIC Cert:#19788
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #6

Total Assets:$401,015K
Deposits:$326,225K
Net Income:$2,357,000
# of Branches:9
FDIC Cert:#14692
More Information...

Peoples Bank, #7

Total Assets:$747,404K
Deposits:$645,111K
Net Income:$6,540,000
# of Branches:9
FDIC Cert:#16265
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #8

Total Assets:$422,771K
Deposits:$377,747K
Net Income:$8,608,000
# of Branches:7
FDIC Cert:#9366
More Information...

Peoples Bank, #9

Total Assets:$251,219K
Deposits:$223,089K
Net Income:$1,910,000
# of Branches:5
FDIC Cert:#12230
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #10

Total Assets:$113,980K
Deposits:$92,080K
Net Income:$1,369,000
# of Branches:3
FDIC Cert:#1562
More Information...

Peoples Bank, #11

Total Assets:$246,679K
Deposits:$221,416K
Net Income:$1,247,000
# of Branches:3
FDIC Cert:#9489
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #12

Total Assets:$144,643K
Deposits:$132,379K
Net Income:$829,000
# of Branches:2
FDIC Cert:#15216
More Information...

Peoples Bank, #13

Total Assets:$172,897K
Deposits:$137,391K
Net Income:$947,000
# of Branches:2
FDIC Cert:#27398
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #14

Total Assets:$191,675K
Deposits:$162,309K
Net Income:$1,524,000
# of Branches:2
FDIC Cert:#57058
More Information...

Peoples Bank, #15

Total Assets:$83,967K
Deposits:$73,052K
Net Income:$417,000
# of Branches:1
FDIC Cert:#9328
More Information...
 

Peoples Bank, #16

Total Assets:$54,536K
Deposits:$44,810K
Net Income:$217,000
# of Branches:1
FDIC Cert:#14636
More Information...
Источник: http://www.usbanklocations.com/peoples-bank-cuba-mo.htm

peoples bank

July 24, 2021 

Evo Morales

65th President of Bolivia (2006-19)

In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Morales and the second or maternal family name is Ayma.

Juan Evo Morales Ayma (Spanish pronunciation: [xwɑːn ˈeβo moˈɾales ˈaʝ.ma]; born 26 October 1959) is a Bolivian politician, trade union organizer, and former cocalero activist who served as the 65th President of Bolivia from 2006 to 2019. Widely regarded as the country's first president to come from its indigenous population,[a] his administration focused on the implementation of leftist policies and combating the influence of the United States and multinational corporations. Ideologically a socialist, he has led the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party since 1998.

Born to an Aymara family of subsistence farmers in Isallawi, Orinoca Canton, Morales undertook a basic education and mandatory military service before moving to the Chapare Province in 1978. Growing coca and becoming a trade unionist, he rose to prominence in the campesino ("rural laborers") union. In that capacity, he campaigned against United States and Bolivian attempts to eradicate coca as part of the War on Drugs, denouncing these as an imperialist violation of indigenous Andean culture. His involvement in anti-government direct action protests resulted in multiple arrests. Morales entered electoral politics in 1995, became the leader of the MAS, and was elected to Congress in 1997. Coupled with populist rhetoric, his campaign focused on issues affecting indigenous and poor communities, advocating land reform and more equal redistribution of gas wealth. He gained increased visibility through the Cochabamba Water War and gas conflict. In 2002, he was expelled from Congress for encouraging anti-government protesters, although he came second in that year's presidential election.

Once elected in 2005, Morales increased taxation on the hydrocarbon industry to bolster social spending and emphasized projects to combat illiteracy, poverty, racism, and sexism. Vocally criticizing neoliberalism, Morales' government moved Bolivia towards a mixed economy, reduced its dependence on the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), and oversaw strong economic growth. Scaling back United States influence in the country, he built relationships with leftist governments in the Latin American pink tide, especially Hugo Chávez's Venezuela and Fidel Castro's Cuba, and signed Bolivia into the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas. His administration opposed the autonomist demands of Bolivia's eastern provinces, won a 2008 recall referendum, and instituted a new constitution that established Bolivia as a plurinational state. Re-elected in 2009 and 2014, he oversaw Bolivia's admission to the Bank of the South and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, although his popularity was dented by attempts to abolish presidential term limits. Following the disputed 2019 general election and the ensuing unrest, Morales agreed to calls for his resignation. After a temporary exile, he returned following the election of President Luis Arce.

Morales' supporters laud him as a champion of indigenous rights, anti-imperialism, and environmentalism, and he was credited with overseeing significant economic growth and poverty reduction as well as increased investment in schools, hospitals, and infrastructure. Critics point to democratic backsliding during his tenure, argue that his policies sometimes failed to reflect his environmentalist and indigenous rights rhetoric, and claim that his defence of coca contributed to illegal cocaine production.

Early life and activism[edit]

Childhood, education, and military service: 1959–1978[edit]

Morales was born in the small rural village of Isallawi in Orinoca Canton, part of western Bolivia's Oruro Department, on 26 October 1959, to an Aymara family.[8] One of seven children born to Dionisio Morales Choque and his wife María Ayma Mamani,[10] only he and two siblings, Esther and Hugo, survived past childhood. His mother almost died from a postpartum haemorrhage following his birth. In keeping with Aymara custom, his father buried the placenta produced after his birth in a place specially chosen for the occasion. His childhood home was a traditional adobe house, and he grew up speaking the Aymara language, although later commentators would remark that by the time he had become president he was no longer an entirely fluent speaker.

Aymara in traditional dress (left); Poopó Lake was the dominant geographical feature around Morales's home village of Isallawi (right).

Morales' family were farmers; from an early age, he helped them to plant and harvest crops and guard their herd of llamas and sheep, taking a homemade soccer ball to amuse himself. As a toddler, he briefly attended Orinoca's preparatory school, and at five began schooling at the single-room primary school in Isallawi. Aged 6, he spent six months in northern Argentina with his sister and father. There, Dionisio harvested sugar cane while Evo sold ice cream and briefly attended a Spanish-language school. As a child, he regularly traveled on foot to Arani province in Cochabamba with his father and their llamas, a journey lasting up to two weeks, in order to exchange salt and potatoes for maize and coca. A big fan of soccer, at age 13 he organized a community soccer team with himself as team captain. Within two years, he was elected training coach for the whole region, and thus gained early experience in leadership.

After finishing primary education, Morales attended the Agrarian Humanistic Technical Institute of Orinoca (ITAHO), completing all but the final year. His parents then sent him to study for a degree in Oruro; although he did poorly academically, he finished all of his courses and exams by 1977, earning money on the side as a brick-maker, day laborer, baker and a trumpet player for the Royal Imperial Band. The latter position allowed him to travel across Bolivia. At the end of his higher education he failed to collect his degree certificate. Although interested in studying journalism, he did not pursue it as a profession.

Morales served his mandatory military service in the Bolivian army from 1977 to 1978. Initially signed up at the Centre for Instruction of Special Troops (CITE) in Cochabamba, he was sent into the Fourth Ingavi Cavalry Regiment and stationed at the army headquarters in the Bolivian capital La Paz. These two years were one of Bolivia's politically most unstable periods, with five presidents and two military coups, led by General Juan Pereda and General David Padilla respectively; under the latter's regime, Morales was stationed as a guard at the Palacio Quemado (Presidential Palace).

Early cocalero activism: 1978–1983[edit]

Following his military service, Morales returned to his family, who had escaped the agricultural devastation of 1980's El Niño storm cycle by relocating to the Tropics of Cochabamba in the eastern lowlands. Setting up home in the town of Villa 14 de Septiembre, El Chapare, using a loan from Morales' maternal uncle, the family cleared a plot of land in the forest to grow rice, oranges, grapefruit, papaya, bananas and later on coca. It was here that Morales learned to speak Quechua, the indigenous local language. The arrival of the Morales family was a part of a much wider migration to the region; in 1981 El Chapare's population was 40,000 but by 1988 it had risen to 215,000. Many Bolivians hoped to set up farms where they could earn a living growing coca, which was experiencing a steady rise in price and which could be cultivated up to four times a year; a traditional medicinal and ritual substance in Andean culture, it was also sold abroad as the key ingredient in cocaine. Morales joined the local soccer team, before founding his own team, New Horizon, which proved victorious at the 2 August Central Tournament. The El Chapare region remained special to Morales for many years to come; during his presidency he often talked of it in speeches and regularly visited.

Morales policy was "Coca Yes, Cocaine No". A Bolivian man holding a coca leaf, (left); Coca tea, a traditional Andean infusion (right).

In El Chapare, Morales joined a trade union of cocaleros (coca growers), being appointed local Secretary of Sports. Organizing soccer tournaments, among union members he earned the nickname of "the young ball player" because of his tendency to organize matches during meeting recesses. Influenced in joining the union by wider events, in 1980 the far-right General Luis García Meza had seized power in a military coup, banning other political parties and declaring himself president; for Morales, a "foundational event in his relationship with politics" occurred in 1981, when a campesino (coca grower) was accused of cocaine trafficking by soldiers, beaten up, and burned to death. In 1982 the leftist Hernán Siles Zuazo and the Democratic and Popular Union (Unidad Democrática y Popular – UDP) took power in representative democratic elections, before implementing neoliberal capitalist reforms and privatizing much of the state sector with United States support; hyperinflation came under control, but unemployment rose to 25%. Becoming increasingly active in the union, from 1982 to 1983, Morales served as the General Secretary of his local San Francisco syndicate. In 1983, Morales' father Dionisio died, and although he missed the funeral he temporarily retreated from his union work to organize his father's affairs.

As part of the War on Drugs, the United States government hoped to stem the cocaine trade by preventing the production of coca; they pressured the Bolivian government to eradicate it, sending troops to Bolivia to aid the operation. Bolivian troops would burn coca crops and in many cases beat up coca growers who challenged them. Angered by this, Morales returned to cocalero campaigning; like many of his comrades, he refused the US$2,500 compensation offered by the government for each acre of coca he eradicated. Deeply embedded in Bolivian culture, the campesinos had an ancestral relationship with coca and did not want to lose their most profitable means of subsistence. For them, it was an issue of national sovereignty, with the United States viewed as imperialists; activists regularly proclaimed "Long live coca! Death to the Yankees!" ("Causachun coca! Wañuchun yanquis!").

General Secretary of the Cocalero Union: 1984–1994[edit]

From 1984 to 1985, Morales served as Secretary of Records for the movement, and in 1985 he became General Secretary of the August Second Headquarters. From 1984 to 1991, the sindicatos embarked on a series of protests against the forced eradication of coca by occupying local government offices, setting up roadblocks, going on hunger strike, and organizing mass marches and demonstrations. Morales was personally involved in this direct activism and in 1984 was present at a roadblock where 3 campesinos were killed. In 1988, Morales was elected to the position of Executive Secretary of the Federation of the Tropics. In 1989, he spoke at a one-year commemoratory event of the Villa Tunari massacre in which 11 coca farmers had been killed by agents of the Rural Area Mobile Patrol Unit (Unidad Móvil Policial para Áreas Rurales – UMOPAR). The following day, UMOPAR agents beat Morales up, leaving him in the mountains to die, but he was rescued by other union members. To combat this violence, Morales concluded that an armed cocalero militia could launch a guerrilla war against the government, but he soon chose to pursue an electoral path. In 1992, he made various international trips to champion the cocalero cause, speaking at a conference in Cuba, and also traveling to Canada, during which he learned of his mother's death.

In his speeches, Morales presented the coca leaf as a symbol of Andean culture that was under threat from the imperialist oppression of the United States. In his view, the United States should deal with their domestic cocaine abuse problems without interfering in Bolivia, arguing that they had no right trying to eliminate coca, a legitimate product with many uses which played a rich role in Andean culture. In a speech, Morales told reporters "I am not a drug trafficker. I am a coca grower. I cultivate coca leaf, which is a natural product. I do not refine (it into) cocaine, and neither cocaine nor drugs have ever been part of the Andean culture".[5] Morales has stated that "We produce our coca, we bring it to the main markets, we sell it and that's where our responsibility ends".

Morales presented the coca growers as victims of a wealthy, urban social elite who had bowed to United States pressure by implementing neoliberal economic reforms. He argued that these reforms were to the detriment of Bolivia's majority, and thus the country's representative democratic system of governance failed to reflect the true democratic will of the majority. This situation was exacerbated following the 1993 general election when the centrist Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario – MNR) won the election and Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada became president. He adopted a policy of "shock therapy", implementing economic liberalization and widescale privatization of state-owned assets. Sánchez also agreed with the U.S. DEA to relaunch its offensive against the Bolivian coca growers, committing Bolivia to eradicating 12,500 acres (5,100 ha) of coca by March 1994 in exchange for US$20 million worth of United States aid, something Morales stated would be opposed by the cocalero movement.

In August 1994, Morales was arrested; reporters present at the scene witnessed him being beaten and accosted with racial slurs by civil agents. Accused of sedition, in jail he began a dry hunger strike to protest his arrest. The following day, 3000 campesinos began a 360 mi (580 km) march from Villa Tunari to La Paz. Morales would be freed on 7 September 1994, and soon joined the march, which arrived at its destination on 19 September 1994, where they covered the city with political graffiti. He was again arrested in April 1995 during a sting operation that rounded up those at a meeting of the Andean Council of Coca Producers that he was chairing on the shores of Lake Titicaca. Accusing the group of plotting a coup with the aid of Colombia's FARC and Peru's Shining Path, a number of his comrades were tortured, although no evidence of a coup was brought forth and he was freed within a week. He proceeded to Argentina to attend a seminar on liberation struggles.

Political rise[edit]

The ASP, IPSP, and MAS: 1995–1999[edit]

Members of the sindicato social movement first suggested a move into the political arena in 1986. This was controversial, with many fearing that politicians would co-opt the movement for personal gain. Morales began supporting the formation of a political wing in 1989, although a consensus in favor of its formation only emerged in 1993. On 27 March 1995, at the 7th Congress of the Unique Confederation of Rural Laborers of Bolivia (Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia – CSUTCB), a "political instrument" (a term employed over "political party") was formed, named the Assembly for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (Asamblea por la Sobernía de los Pueblos – ASP). At the ASP's 1st Congress, the CSUTCB participated alongside three other Bolivian unions, representing miners, peasants and indigenous peoples. In 1996, Morales was appointed chairman of the Committee of the Six Federations of the Tropics of Cochabamba, a position that he retained until 2006.

Bolivia's National Electoral Court (Corte Nacional Electoral – CNE) refused to recognize the ASP, citing minor procedural infringements. The coca activists circumvented this problem by running under the banner of the United Left (IU), a coalition of leftist parties headed by the Communist Party of Bolivia (Partido Comunista Boliviano – PCB). They won landslide victories in those areas which were local strongholds of the movement, producing 11 mayors and 49 municipal councilors. Morales was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in the National Congress as a representative for El Chapare, having secured 70.1% of the local vote. In the national elections of 1997, the IU/ASP gained four seats in Congress, obtaining 3.7% of the national vote, with this rising to 17.5% in the department of Cochabamba. The election resulted in the establishment of a coalition government led by the right-wing Nationalist Democratic Action (Acción Democrática Nacionalista – ADN), with Hugo Banzer as president; Morales lambasted him as "the worst politician in Bolivian history".

MAS-IPSP partisans celebrate the 16th anniversary of the IPSP party's founding in Sacaba, Cochabamba.

Rising electoral success was accompanied by factional in-fighting, with a leadership contest emerging in the ASP between the incumbent Alejo Véliz and Morales, who had the electoral backing of the social movement's bases. The conflict led to a schism, with Morales and his supporters splitting to form their own party, the Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (Instrumento Político por la Soberanía de los Pueblos – IPSP). The movement's bases defected en masse to the IPSP, leaving the ASP to crumble and Véliz to join the center-right New Republican Force (Nueva Fuerza Republicana – NFR), for which Morales denounced him as a traitor to the cocalero cause. Continuing his activism, in 1998 Morales led another cocalero march from El Chapare to la Paz, and came under increasing criticism from the government, who repeatedly accused him of being involved in the cocaine trade and mocked him for how he spoke and his lack of education.

Morales came to an agreement with David Añez Pedraza, the leader of a defunct yet still registered falangist party named the Movement for Socialism (MAS); under this agreement, Morales and the Six Federaciónes could take over the party name, with Pendraza stipulating the condition that they must maintain MAS's own acronym, name and colors. Thus, the MAS and IPSP merged, becoming known as the Movement for Socialism – Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples. The MAS would come to be described as "an indigenous-based political party that calls for the nationalization of industry, legalization of the coca leaf ... and fairer distribution of national resources."[62] The party lacked the finance available to the mainstream parties, and so relied largely on the work of volunteers in order to operate. It was not structured like other political parties, instead operating as the political wing of the social movement, with all tiers in the movement involved in decision making; this form of organisation would continue until 2004. In the December 1999 municipal elections, the MAS secured 79 municipal council seats and 10 mayoral positions, gaining 3.27% of the national vote, although 70% of the vote in Cochabamba.

Cochabamba protests: 2000–2002[edit]

In 2000, the Tunari Waters corporation doubled the price at which they sold water to Bolivian consumers, resulting in a backlash from leftist activist groups, including the cocaleros. Activists clashed with police and armed forces, in what was dubbed "the Water War", resulting in 6 dead and 175 wounded. Responding to the violence, the government removed the contract from Tunari and placed the utility under cooperative control. In ensuing years further violent protests broke out over a range of issues, resulting in more deaths both among activists and law enforcement. Much of this unrest was connected with the widespread opposition to economic liberalization across Bolivian society, with a common perception that it only benefited a small minority.

In the Andean High Plateau, a cocalero group launched a guerrilla uprising under the leadership of Felipe Quispe; an ethnic separatist, he and Morales disliked each other, with Quispe considering Morales to be a traitor and an opportunist for his willingness to cooperate with White Bolivians. Morales had not taken a leading role in these protests, but did use them to get across his message that the MAS was not a single-issue party, and that rather than simply fighting for the rights of the cocalero it was arguing for structural change to the political system and a redefinition of citizenship in Bolivia.

Evo Morales (right) with French labor union leader José Bovéin 2002

In August 2001, Banzer resigned due to terminal illness, and Jorge Quiroga took over as president. Under U.S. pressure, Quiroga sought to have Morales expelled from Congress by saying that Morales' inflammatory language had caused the deaths of two police officers in Sacaba near Cochabamba. He was unable to provide any evidence of Morales' culpability. 140 deputies voted for Morales' expulsion, which came about in 2002. Morales said that it "was a trial against Aymara and Quechas". MAS activists interpreted it as evidence of the pseudo-democratic credentials of the political class.

The MAS gained increasing popularity as a protest party, relying largely on widespread dissatisfaction with the existing mainstream political parties among Bolivians living in rural and poor urban areas. Morales recognized this, and much of his discourse focused on differentiating the MAS from the traditional political class. Their campaign was successful, and in the 2002 presidential election the MAS gained 20.94% of the national vote, becoming Bolivia's second largest party, being only 1.5% behind the victorious MNR, whose candidate, Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, became president. They won 8 seats in the Senate and 27 in the Chamber of Deputies. Now the leader of the political opposition, Morales focused on criticising government policies rather than outlining alternatives. He had several unconstructive meetings with Lozada, but met with Venezuela's Hugo Chávez for the first time.

Bolivia's U.S. embassy had become publicly highly critical of Morales; just prior to the election, the U.S. ambassador to Bolivia Manuel Rocha issued a statement declaring that U.S. aid to Bolivia would be cut if MAS won the election. However, exit polls revealed that Rocha's comments had served to increase support for Morales. Following the election, the U.S. embassy maintained this critical stance, characterising Morales as a criminal and encouraging Bolivia's traditional parties to sign a broad agreement to oppose the MAS; Morales himself began alleging that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency was plotting to assassinate him.

Rise to prominence: 2003–2005[edit]

Morales with his vice presidential running mate, Álvaro García Linera, in 2005

In 2003, the Bolivian gas conflict broke out as activists – including coca growers – protested against the privatization of the country's natural gas supply and its sale to U.S. companies below the market value. Activists blocked off the road into La Paz, resulting in clashes with police. 80 were killed and 411 injured, among them officers, activists, and civilians, including children. Morales did not take an active role in the conflict, instead traveling to Libya and Switzerland, there describing the uprising as a "peaceful revolution in progress". The government accused Morales and the MAS of using the protests to overthrow Bolivia's parliamentary democracy with the aid of organized crime, FARC, and the far-left governments of Venezuela, Cuba, and Libya.

Morales led calls for President Sánchez de Lozada to step down over the death toll, gaining widespread support from the MAS, other activist groups, and the middle classes; with pressure building, Sánchez resigned and fled to Miami, Florida. He was replaced by Carlos Mesa, who tried to strike a balance between U.S. and cocalero demands, but whom Morales mistrusted. In November, Morales spent 24 hours with Cuban President Fidel Castro in Havana, and then met Argentinian President Nestor Kirchner. In the 2004 municipal election, the MAS became the country's largest national party, with 28.6% of all councilors in Bolivia. However, they failed to win the mayoralty in any big cities, reflecting their inability to gain widespread support among the urban middle-classes. In Bolivia's wealthy Santa Cruz region, a strong movement for autonomy had developed under the leadership of the Pro Santa Cruz Committee (Comite Pro Santa Cruz). Favorable to neoliberal economics and strongly critical of the cocaleros, they considered armed insurrection to secede from Bolivia should MAS take power.

In March 2005, Mesa resigned, citing the pressure of Morales and the cocalero road blocks and riots. Amid fears of civil war,Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé became President of a transitional government, preparing Bolivia for a general election in December 2005. Hiring the Peruvian Walter Chávez as its campaign manager, the MAS electoral campaign was based on Salvador Allende's successful campaign in the 1970 Chilean presidential election. Measures were implemented to institutionalize the party structure, giving it greater independence from the social movement; this was done to allow Morales and other MAS leaders to respond quickly to new developments without the lengthy process of consulting the bases, and to present a more moderate image away from the bases' radicalism. Although he had initially hoped for a female running mate, Morales eventually chose Marxist intellectual Álvaro García Linera as his vice presidential candidate, with some Bolivian press speculating as to a romantic relationship between the two. MAS' primary opponent was Jorge Quiroga and his center-right Social and Democratic Power, whose campaign was centered in Santa Cruz and which advocated continued neo-liberal reform; Quiroga accused Morales of promoting the legalization of cocaine and being a puppet for Venezuela.

With a turnout of 84.5%, the election saw Morales gain 53.7% of the vote, while Quiroga came second with 28.6%; Morales' was the first victory with an absolute majority in Bolivia for 40 years. Given that he was the sixth self-described leftist president to be elected in Latin America since 1998, his victory was identified as part of the broader regional pink tide. Becoming president-elect, Morales was widely described as Bolivia's first indigenous leader, at a time when around 62% of the population identified as indigenous; political analysts therefore drew comparisons with the election of Nelson Mandela to the South African Presidency in 1994. This resulted in widespread excitement among the indigenous people in the Americas, particularly those of Bolivia. His election caused concern among the country's wealthy and landowning classes, who feared state expropriation and nationalisation of their property, as well as far-right groups, who said it would spark a race war. He traveled to Cuba to spend time with Castro, before going to Venezuela, and then on tour to Europe, China, and South Africa; significantly, he avoided the U.S. In January 2006, Morales attended an indigenous spiritual ceremony at Tiwanaku where he was crowned Apu Mallku (Supreme Leader) of the Aymara, receiving gifts from indigenous peoples across Latin America. He thanked the goddess Pachamama for his victory and proclaimed that "With the unity of the people, we're going to end the colonial state and the neo-liberal model."

[edit]

Main article: Presidency of Evo Morales

[edit]

In the world there are large and small countries, rich countries and poor countries, but we are equal in one thing, which is our right to dignity and sovereignty.

— Evo Morales, Inaugural Speech, 22 January 2006.

Morales' inauguration took place on 22 January in La Paz. It was attended by various heads of state, including Argentina's Kirchner, Venezuela's Chávez, Brazil's Lula da Silva, and Chile's Ricardo Lagos. Morales wore an Andeanized suit designed by fashion designer Beatriz Canedo Patiño, and gave a speech that included a minute silence in memory of cocaleros and indigenous activists killed in the struggle. He condemned Bolivia's former "colonial" regimes, likening them to South Africa under apartheid and stating that the MAS' election would lead to a "refoundation" of the country, a term that the MAS consistently used over "revolution". Morales repeated these views in his convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

In taking office, Morales emphasized nationalism, anti-imperialism, and anti-neoliberalism, although did not initially refer to his administration as socialist. He immediately reduced both his own presidential wage and that of his ministers by 57% to $1,875 a month, also urging members of Congress to do the same.[110] Morales gathered together a largely inexperienced cabinet made up of indigenous activists and leftist intellectuals, although over the first three years of government there was a rapid turnover in the cabinet as Morales replaced many of the indigenous members with trained middle-class leftist politicians. By 2012 only 3 of the 20 cabinet members identified as indigenous.

Economic program[edit]

At the time of Morales' election, Bolivia was South America's poorest nation. Morales' government did not initiate fundamental change to Bolivia's economic structure, and their National Development Plan (PDN) for 2006–10 adhered largely to the country's previous liberal economic model. Bolivia's economy was based largely on the extraction of natural resources, with the nation having South America's second largest reserves of natural gas. Keeping to his election pledge, Morales took increasing state control of the hydrocarbon industry with Supreme Decree 2870; previously, corporations paid 18% of their profits to the state, but Morales symbolically reversed this, so that 82% of profits went to the state and 18% to the companies. The oil companies threatened to take the case to the international courts or cease operating in Bolivia, but ultimately relented. As a result, Bolivia's income from hydrocarbon extraction increased from $173 million in 2002 to $1.3 billion by 2006. Although not technically a form of nationalization, Morales and his government referred to it as such, resulting in criticism from sectors of the Bolivian left. In June 2006, Morales announced his plan to nationalize mining, electricity, telephones, and railroads. In February 2007, the government nationalized the Vinto metallurgy plant and refused to compensate Glencore, which the government said had obtained the contract illegally. Although the FSTMB miners' federation called for the government to nationalize the mines, the government did not do so, instead stating that any transnational corporations operating in Bolivia legally would not be expropriated.

Under Morales, Bolivia experienced unprecedented economic strength, resulting in an increase in value of its currency, the boliviano. Morales' first year in office ended with no fiscal deficit, which was the first time this had happened in Bolivia for 30 years. During the global financial crisis of 2007–08 Bolivia maintained one of the world's highest levels of economic growth. Such economic strength led to a nationwide boom in construction, and allowed the state to build up strong financial reserves. Although the level of social spending was increased, it remained relatively low, with a priority being the construction of paved roads and community spaces such as soccer fields and union buildings. In particular, the government focused on rural infrastructure improvement, to bring roads, running water, and electricity to areas that lacked them.

The government's stated intention was to reduce Bolivia's most acute poverty levels from 35% to 27% of the population, and moderate poverty levels from 58.9% to 49% over five years. The welfare state was expanded, as characterized by the introduction of non-contributory old-age pensions and payments to mothers provided their babies are taken for health checks and that their children attend school. Hundreds of free tractors were also handed out. The prices of gas and many foodstuffs were controlled, and local food producers were made to sell in the local market rather than export. A new state-owned body was also set up to distribute food at subsidized prices. All these measures helped to curb inflation, while the economy grew (partly because of rising public spending), accompanied by stronger public finances which brought economic stability.[128]

During Morales' first term, Bolivia broke free of the domination of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) which had characterized previous regimes by refusing their financial aid and connected regulations.[clarification needed] In May 2007, it became the world's first country to withdraw from the International Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes, with Morales stating that the institution had consistently favored multinational corporations in its judgments. Bolivia's lead was followed by other Latin American nations. Despite being encouraged to do so by the U.S., Bolivia refused to join the Free Trade Area of the Americas, deeming it a form of U.S. imperialism.

A major dilemma faced by Morales' administration was between the desire to expand extractive industries in order to fund social programs and provide employment, and to protect the country's environment from the pollution caused by those industries. Although his government professed an environmentalist ethos, expanding environmental monitoring and becoming a leader in the voluntary Forest Stewardship Council, Bolivia continued to witness rapid deforestation for agriculture and illegal logging. Economists on both the left and right expressed concern over the government's lack of economic diversification. Many Bolivians opined that Morales' government had failed to bring about sufficient job creation.

ALBA and international appearances[edit]

Morales with regional allies, at the Fórum Social Mundial for Latin America: President of Paraguay Lugo, President of Brasil Lula, President of Equador Correaand President of Venezuela Chávez.

Morales' administration sought strong links with the far-left governments of Cuba and Venezuela. In April 2005 Morales traveled to Havana for knee surgery, there meeting with the two nations' presidents, Castro and Chávez. In April 2006, Bolivia agreed to join Cuba and Venezuela in founding the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), with Morales attending ALBA's conference in May, at which they initiated with a Peoples' Trade Agreement (PTA). Meanwhile, his administration became "the least US-friendly government in Bolivian history". In September Morales visited the U.S. for the first time to attend the UN General Assembly, where he gave a speech condemning U.S. President George W. Bush as a terrorist for launching the War in Afghanistan and Iraq War, and called for the UN Headquarters to be moved out of the country. In the U.S., he met with former presidents Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter and with Native American groups. Relations were further strained between the two nations when in December Morales issued a Supreme Decree requiring all U.S. citizens visiting Bolivia to have a visa. His government also refused to grant legal immunity to U.S. soldiers in Bolivia; hence the U.S. cut back their military support to the country by 96%.

In December 2006, he attended the first South-South conference in Abuja, Nigeria, there meeting Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, whose government had recently awarded Morales the Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights. Morales proceeded straight to Havana for a conference celebrating Castro's life, where he gave a speech arguing for stronger links between Latin America and the Middle East to combat U.S. imperialism. Under his administration, diplomatic relations were established with Iran, with Morales praising Iranian PresidentMahmoud Ahmadinejad as a revolutionary comrade. In April 2007 he attended the first South American Energy Summit in Venezuela, arguing with many allies over the issue of biofuel, which he opposed. He had a particularly fierce argument with Brazilian President Lula over Morales' desire to bring Bolivia's refineries – which were largely owned by Brazil's Petrobrás – under state control. In May, Bolivia purchased the refineries and transferred them to the Bolivian State Petroleum Company (YPFB).

Social reform[edit]

Morales with Brazilian President Lula

Morales' government sought to encourage a model of development based upon the premise of vivir bien, or "to live well". This entailed seeking social harmony, consensus, the elimination of discrimination, and wealth redistribution; in doing so, it was rooted in communal rather than individual values and owed more to indigenous Andean forms of social organization than Western ones.

Upon Morales' election, Bolivia's illiteracy rate was at 16%, the highest in South America. Attempting to rectify this with the aid of far left allies, Bolivia launched a literacy campaign with Cuban assistance, and Venezuela invited 5000 Bolivian high school graduates to study in Venezuela for free. By 2009, UNESCO declared Bolivia free from illiteracy. The World Bank stated that illiteracy had declined by 5%. Cuba also aided Bolivia in the development of its medical care, opening ophthalmological centers in the country to treat 100,000 Bolivians for free per year, and offering 5000 free scholarships for Bolivian students to study medicine in Cuba. The government sought to expand state medical facilities, opening twenty hospitals by 2014, and increasing basic medical coverage up to the age of 25. Their approach sought to utilize and harmonize both mainstream Western medicine and Bolivia's traditional medicine.

The 2006 Bono Juancito Pinto program provided US$29 per year to parents who kept their children in public school with an attendance rate above 80%.[151][152] 2008's Renta Dignidad initiative expanded the previous Bonosol social security for seniors program, increasing payments to $344 per year, and lowering the eligibility age from 65 to 60.[154][155] 2009's Bono Juana Azurduy program expanded a previous public maternity insurance, giving cash to low-income mothers who proved that they and their baby had received pre- and post-natal medical care, and gave birth in an authorized medical facility.[157] Conservative critics of Morales' government said that these measures were designed to buy off the poor and ensure continued support for the government, particularly the Bono Juancito Pinto which is distributed very close to election day.[159]

Morales announced that one of the top priorities of his government was to eliminate racism against the country's indigenous population. To do this, he announced that all civil servants were required to learn one of Bolivia's three indigenous languages, Quechua, Aymara, or Guaraní, within two years. His government encouraged the development of indigenous cultural projects, and sought to encourage more indigenous people to attend university; by 2008, it was estimated that half of the students enrolled in Bolivia's 11 public universities were indigenous, while three indigenous-specific universities had been established, offering subsidized education. In 2009, a Vice Ministry for Decolonization was established, which proceeded to pass the 2010 Law against Racism and Discrimination banning the espousal of racist views in private or public institutions. Various commentators noted that there was a renewed sense of pride among the country's indigenous population following Morales' election. Conversely, the opposition accused Morales' administration of aggravating racial tensions between indigenous, white, and mestizo populations, and of using the Racism and Discrimination law to attack freedom of the press.[169][170]

Morales and Vice President Álvaro García Linera in 2006 shining the shoesof shoeshine boys.

On International Workers' Day 2006, Morales issued a presidential decree undoing aspects of the informalization of labor which had been implemented by previous neoliberal governments; this was seen as a highly symbolic act for labor rights in Bolivia. In 2009 his government put forward suggested reforms to the 1939 labor laws, although lengthy discussions with trade unions hampered the reforms' progress. Morales' government increased the legal minimum wage by 50%, and reduced the pension age from 65 to 60, and then in 2010 reduced it again to 58.

While policies were brought in to improve the living conditions of the working classes, conversely many middle-class Bolivians felt that they had seen their social standing decline, with Morales personally mistrusting the middle-classes, deeming them fickle. A 2006 law reallocated state-owned lands, with this agrarian reform entailing distributing land to traditional communities rather than individuals. In 2010, a law was introduced permitting the formation of recognized indigenous territories, although the implementation of this was hampered by bureaucracy and contesting claims over ownership. Morales' government also sought to improve women's rights in Bolivia. In 2010, it founded a Unit of Depatriarchalization to oversee this process. Further seeking to provide legal recognition and support to LGBT rights, it declared 28 June to be Sexual Minority Rights Day in the country, and encouraged the establishment of a gay-themed television show on the state channel.

Adopting a policy known as "Coca Yes, Cocaine No", Morales' administration ensured the legality of coca growing, and introduced measures to regulate the production and trade of the crop. In 2007, they announced that they would permit the growing of 50,000 acres of coca in the country, primarily for the purposes of domestic consumption, with each family being restricted to the growing of one cato (1600 meters squared) of coca.

A social control program was implemented whereby local unions took on responsibility for ensuring that this quota was not exceeded; in doing so, they hoped to remove the need for military and police intervention, and thus stem the violence of previous decades. Measures were implemented to ensure the industrialization of coca production, with Morales inaugurating the first coca industrialization plant in Chulumani, which produced and packaged coca and trimate tea; the project was primarily funded through a $125,000 donation from Venezuela under the PTA scheme.

These industrialization measures proved largely unsuccessful given that coca remained illegal in most nations outside Bolivia, thus depriving the growers of an international market. Campaigning against this, in 2012 Bolivia withdrew from the UN 1961 Convention which had called for global criminalisation of coca, and in 2013 successfully convinced the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs to declassify coca as a narcotic. The U.S. State Department criticized Bolivia, saying that it was regressing in its counter-narcotics efforts, and dramatically reduced aid to Bolivia to $34 million to fight the narcotics trade in 2007. Nevertheless, the number of cocaine seizures in Bolivia increased under Morales' government, as they sought to encourage coca growers to report and oppose cocaine producers and traffickers. High levels of police corruption surrounding the illicit trade in cocaine remained a continuing problem for Bolivia.

Morales' government also introduced measures to tackle Bolivia's endemic corruption; in 2007, Morales issued a presidential decree to create the Ministry of Institutional Transparency and Fight Against Corruption. Critics said that MAS members were rarely prosecuted for the crime, the main exception being YPFB head Santos Ramírez, who was sentenced to twelve years imprisonment for corruption in 2008. A 2009 law that permitted the retroactive prosecution for corruption led to legal cases being brought against a number of opposition politicians for alleged corruption in the pre-Morales period and many fled abroad to avoid standing trial.

Domestic unrest and the new constitution[edit]

During his presidential campaign, Morales had supported calls for regional autonomy for Bolivia's departments. As president, he changed his position, viewing the calls for autonomy – which came from Bolivia's four eastern departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando, and Tarija – as an attempt by the wealthy bourgeoisie living in these regions to preserve their economic position. He nevertheless agreed to a referendum on regional autonomy, held in July 2006; the four eastern departments voted in favor of autonomy, but Bolivia as a whole voted against it by 57.6%. In September, autonomy activists launched strikes and blockades across eastern Bolivia, resulting in violent clashes with MAS activists. In January 2007, clashes in Cochabamba between activist groups led to fatalities, with Morales' government sending in troops to maintain the peace. The left-indigenous activists formed a Revolutionary Departmental Government, but Morales denounced it as illegal and continued to recognize the legitimacy of right-wing departmental head Manfred Reyes Villa.

In July 2006, an election to form a Constitutional Assembly was held, which saw the highest ever electoral turnout in the nation's history. MAS won 137 of its 255 seats, after which the Assembly was inaugurated in August. The Assembly was the first elected parliamentary body in Bolivia which features strong campesino and indigenous representation. In November, the Assembly approved a new constitution, which converted the Republic of Bolivia into the Plurinational State of Bolivia, describing it as a "plurinational communal and social unified state". The constitution emphasized Bolivian sovereignty of natural resources, separated church and state, forbade foreign military bases in the country, implemented a two-term limit for the presidency, and permitted limited regional autonomy. It also enshrined every Bolivians' right to water, food, free health care, education, and housing. In enshrining the concept of plurinationalism, one commentator noted that it suggested "a profound reconfiguration of the state itself" by recognising the rights to self-determination of various nations within a single state.

In May 2008, the eastern departments pushed for greater autonomy, but Morales' government rejected the legitimacy of their position. They called for a referendum on recalling Morales, which saw an 83% turnout and in which Morales was ratified with 67.4% of the vote. Unified as the National Council for Democracy (CONALDE), these groups – financed by the wealthy agro-industrialist, petroleum, and financial elite – embarked on a series of destabilisation campaigns to unseat Morales' government.Unrest then broke out across eastern Bolivia, as radicalized autonomist activists established blockades, occupied airports, clashing with pro-government demonstrations, police, and armed forces. Some formed paramilitaries, bombing state companies, indigenous NGOs, and human rights organisations, also launching armed racist attacks on indigenous communities, culminating in the Pando Massacre of MAS activists. The autonomists gained support from some high-ranking politicians; Santa Cruz Governor Rubén Costas lambasted Morales and his supporters with racist epithets, accusing the president of being an Aymara fundamentalist and a totalitarian dictator responsible for state terrorism. Amid the unrest, foreign commentators began speculating on the possibility of civil war.

After it was revealed that USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives had supplied $4.5 million to the pro-autonomist departmental governments of the eastern provinces, in September 2008 Morales accused the U.S. ambassador to Bolivia, Philip Goldberg, of "conspiring against democracy" and encouraging the civil unrest, ordering him to leave the country. The U.S. government responded by expelling Bolivian ambassador to the U.S., Gustavo Guzman. Bolivia subsequently expelled the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) from the country, while the U.S. responded by withdrawing their Peace Corps. Chávez stood in solidarity with Bolivia by ordering the U.S. ambassador Patrick Duddy out of his country and withdrawing the Venezuelan ambassador to the U.S. The Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) convened a special meeting to discuss the Bolivian situation, expressing full support for Morales' government.

Although unable to quell the autonomist violence, Morales' government refused to declare a state of emergency, believing that the autonomists were attempting to provoke them into doing so. Instead, they decided to compromise, entering into talks with the parliamentary opposition. As a result, 100 of the 411 elements of the Constitution were changed, with both sides compromising on certain issues. Nevertheless, the governors of the eastern provinces rejected the changes, believing it gave them insufficient autonomy, while various Indianist and leftist members of MAS felt that the amendments conceded too much to the political right. The constitution was put to a referendum in January 2009, in which it was approved by 61.4% of voters.

Following the approval of the new Constitution, the 2009 general election was called. The opposition sought to delay the election by demanding a new biometric registry system, hoping that it would give them time to form a united front against MAS. Many MAS activists reacted violently against the demands, and attempting to prevent this. Morales went on a five-day hunger strike in April 2009 to push the opposition to rescind their demands. He also agreed to allow for the introduction of a new voter registry, but said that it was rushed through so as not to delay the election. Morales and the MAS won with a landslide majority, polling 64.2%, while voter participation had reached an all-time high of 90%. His primary opponent, Reyes Villa, gained 27% of the vote. The MAS won a two-thirds majority in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. Morales notably increased his support in the east of the country, with MAS gaining a majority in Tarija. In response to his victory, Morales proclaimed that he was "obligated to accelerate the pace of change and deepen socialism" in Bolivia, seeing his re-election as a mandate to further his reforms.

[edit]

During his second term, Morales began to speak openly of "communitarian socialism" as the ideology that he desired for Bolivia's future. He assembled a new cabinet which was 50% female, a first for Bolivia, although by 2012, that had dropped to a third. One of the main tasks that faced his government during this term was the aim of introducing legislation that would cement the extension of rights featured in the new constitution. In April 2010, the departmental elections saw further gains for MAS. In 2013, the government passed a law to combat domestic violence against women.

Morales at an international conference in 2012

In December 2009, Morales attended the 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark, where he blamed climate change on capitalism and called for a financial transactions tax to fund climate change mitigation. Ultimately deeming the conference to have been a failure, he oversaw the World's People Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth outside of Cochabamba in April 2010.

Following the victories of Barack Obama and the Democratic Party in the 2008 U.S. presidential election, relations between Bolivia and the U.S. improved slightly, and in November 2009 the countries entered negotiations to restore diplomatic relations. After the U.S. backed the 2011 military intervention in Libya by NATO forces, Morales condemned Obama, calling for his Nobel Peace Prize to be revoked. The two nations restored diplomatic relations in November 2011, although Morales refused to allow the DEA back into the country.

In October 2012, the government passed a Law of Mother Earth that banned genetically modified organisms (GMOs) being grown in Bolivia. This was praised by environmentalists and criticized by the nation's soya growers, who said that it would make them less competitive on the global market.

In July 2013, Morales attended a summit in Moscow where he said he was open to offering political asylum to Edward Snowden, who was staying in the Moscow airport at the time. On 2 July 2013, while travelling back to Bolivia from the summit, his presidential plane was forced to land in Austria when Portuguese, French, Spanish and Italian authorities denied it access to their airspace.[238][239] Bolivian Foreign Minister David Choquehuanca said the European states had acted on "unfounded suspicions that Mr. Snowden was on the plane".[239] The Organisation of American States condemned "actions that violate the basic rules and principles of international law such as the inviolability of Heads of State", and demanded that the European governments explain their actions and apologise. An emergency meeting of the Union of South American Nations denounced "the flagrant violation of international treaties" by European powers.[239][240] Latin American leaders describe the incident as a "stunning violation of national sovereignty and disrespect for the region".[241] Morales himself described the incident as a "hostage" situation.[242] France apologised for the incident the next day.[243] Snowden said that the forced grounding of Morales plane may have prompted Russia to allow him to leave the Moscow airport.[244]

In 2014, Morales became the oldest active professional soccer player in the world after signing a contract for $200 a month with Sport Boys Warnes.[245]

On 31 July 2014, Morales condemned the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict and declared Israel a "terrorist state".[246]

Domestic protests[edit]

Morales addressing Bolivia's Parliament

Morales' second term was heavily affected by infighting and dissent from within his support base, as indigenous and leftist activists rejected several government reforms. In May 2010, his government announced a 5% rise in the minimum wage. The Bolivian Workers' Central (COB) felt this insufficient given the rising cost of living, calling a general strike, while protesters clashed with police. The government refused to increase the rise, accusing protesters of being pawns of the right. In August 2010, violent protests broke out in southern Potosí over widespread unemployment and a lack of infrastructure investment. In December 2010, the government cut subsidies for gasoline and diesel fuels, which raised fuel prices and transport costs. Protests led Morales to nullify the decree, responding that he "ruled by obeying". In June 2012, Bolivia's police launched protests against anti-corruption reforms to the police service; they burned disciplinary case records and demanded salary increases. Morales' government relented, canceling many of the proposed reforms and agreeing to the wage rise.

In 2011, the government announced it had signed a contract with a Brazilian company to construct a highway connecting Beni to Cochabamba, which would pass through the Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS). This would better integrate the Beni and Pando departments with the rest of Bolivia and facilitate hydrocarbons exploration. The plan brought condemnation from environmentalists and indigenous communities living in the TIPNIS, who said that it would encourage deforestation and illegal settlement and that it violated the constitution and United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The issue became an international cause célèbre and cast doubt on the government's environmentalist and indigenous rights credentials. In August, 800 protesters embarked on a protest march from Trinidad to La Paz; many were injured in clashes with police and supporters of the road. Two government ministers and other high-ranking officials resigned in protest and Morales' government relented, announcing suspension of the road. In October 2011, he passed Law 180, prohibiting further road construction, although the government proceeded with a consultation, eventually gaining the consent of 55 of the 65 communities in TIPNIS to allow the highway to be built, albeit with a variety of concessions; construction was scheduled to take place after the 2014 general election.[254][255] In May 2013, the government announced that it would permit hydrocarbon exploration in Bolivia's 22 national parks, to widespread condemnation from environmentalists.

[edit]

In 2008, Morales stated that he would not stand for re-election in the 2014 general election. The 2009 Bolivian constitution places a term limit of two consecutive presidential terms.[257] However, a 2013 ruling by the Plurinational Constitutional Court held that Morales' first term did not count towards the term limit, because it had taken place prior to the ratification of the 2009 constitution. The court ruling, which was criticized by opposition politicians, allowed Morales to run for a third term as president.[258] After standing for re-election and proclaiming victory, Morales declared it "a triumph of the anti-colonialists and anti-imperialists" and dedicated his win to both Castro and Chávez.[259][260][261]

On the basis of this victory, the Financial Times remarked that Morales was "one of the world's most popular leaders".[262] On 17 October 2015, Morales surpassed Andrés de Santa Cruz's nine years, eight months, and twenty-four days in office and became Bolivia's longest serving president.[263][264] Writing in The Guardian, Ellie Mae O'Hagan attributes his enduring popularity not to anti-imperialist rhetoric but his "extraordinary socio-economic reforms," which resulted in poverty and extreme poverty declining by 25% and 43% respectively.[265] Bolivia's newly implemented universal healthcare system has been cited as a model for all by the World Health Organization.[266]

In early February 2016 there were rumors that Morales had had a child with a young woman, Gabriela Zapata Montaño, and had granted favors to the Chinese company that she worked for.[267] Morales said that they had had a son who died in infancy, but that he had not granted any favors and had not been in contact with Zapata Montaño since 2007.[268] The commission that investigated the issue concluded that Morales was not at fault. Zapata Montaño was later sentenced to ten years in prison for illegal financial behavior.[269]

Morales attended the swearing-in ceremony of Venezuela's president Nicolás Maduro for his second term on January 10, 2019.[270] In April 2019, Morales condemned the arrest of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.[271]

[edit]

Controversy arose when a new $34 million presidential skyscraper office and residence, the Casa Grande del Pueblo, was constructed in the historical Plaza Murillo.[272][273] The proposal was initially declined due to municipal height restrictions in the historical district, though Morales' parliamentary majority in the Plurinational Legislative Assembly overrode the ban, permitting the tower's construction.[272][273] The Casa Grande del Pueblo was inaugurated by Morales on 9 August 2018.[274]

The 29-story tower standing at 120 metres (390 ft) was the tallest building in the capital city of La Paz when completed.[275][276] It was designed by Bolivian architects and decorated with indigenous motifs representing traditional Bolivian culture.[272] The skyscraper was built to replace the former presidential palace, which Morales planned to turn into a museum.[277] The building features a helipad and the top two floors were reserved for the president, featuring a gym, spa, Jacuzzi and private elevator.[272][273] The presidential suite in total was 1,068 square metres (11,500 sq ft), with the bathroom and dressing room measuring at 47 square metres (510 sq ft) while the bedroom was 61 square metres (660 sq ft).[278] According to Diario Pagina Siete, Morales' bedroom was the same size as the average home provided by his government housing project.[278]

Many analysts and opposition politicians of Morales criticised the spending due to the high levels of poverty in Bolivia.[278]NPR described the new residence as "a luxurious new skyscraper" and that critics contend that "Morales is acting more like an emperor than a president",[279] while Reuters wrote that Morales "alienated those who once backed him, especially by building the ostentatious presidential palace".[280] Bolivian CardinalToribio Ticona Porco dubbed the tower "Evo Palace" and criticized the opulence invested into it.[273]

After signing the contract for the new building, Morales stated that it was "not a luxury" since it would also house offices for different ministries, cabinet meeting rooms, a center for indigenous ceremonies and a 1,000-seat auditorium as well as rooms for exclusive presidential use.[277] He also stated that the project would reduce government spending by $20 million per year as five other ministries would move into the building.[272] He said the Casa Grande del Pueblo was a break with the past and described the previous residence, the Palacio Quemado or "Burnt Palace", as a vestige of colonialism and a symbol of neoliberal governments that stripped the State of its wealth, its heritage and its memory.[274] Morales' communication minister Gísela López responded to criticism, stating that the tower was "a necessity for the people".[274]

2019 election controversy and resignation[edit]

Main article: 2019 Bolivian political crisis

Despite Morales' declaration in 2014 that he would not attempt to alter the constitution so that he could serve a fourth term,[281] Morales began exploring legal efforts to make a fourth term possible in 2015.[282]

2016 referendum on term limits[edit]

See also: 2016 Bolivian constitutional referendum

Morales' party, the Movement for Socialism (MAS), sponsored an effort to amend the constitution by national vote. A referendum was authorized by a combined session of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly on 26 September 2015, by a vote of 112 to 41.[283][284] On 21 February 2016 the referendum was held on a constitutional amendment to allow presidents to serve three consecutive terms, which would have allowed Morales to run for a fourth term (third under the new constitution).[285][286][287] The proposed constitutional amendment narrowly lost.[288][289]

2017 Supreme Constitutional Tribunal ruling[edit]

Despite the referendum loss and Morales' earlier statement that he would not seek a fourth term if he lost the referendum,[290] in December 2016 MAS nominated Morales as their candidate for the 2019 presidential election, stating that they would seek various avenues to ensure the legality of Morales' candidacy.[291] In September 2017, MAS petitioned the Plurinational Constitutional Court to abolish term limits, based on the reasoning that term limits are a human rights violations under the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR), a binding multilateral treaty.[292] In November, the Court accepted the grounds of the petition. The ruling enabled Morales to submit his application as a presidential candidate to the Bolivian Electoral Tribunal, who then accepted his application and approved his candidacy.[293]

Critics said that both courts had been stacked with Morales loyalists, some of whom received favorable positions in the government following these decisions.[294][295]

In response to the decision by the Plurinational Constitutional Court, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Luis Almagro, stated that the clause in the American Convention on Human Rights cited by the Court "does not mean the right to perpetual power".[292] In 2019, Almagro publicly supported Morales' participation in the 2019 election, saying that "presidents [in other countries]...have taken part in electoral processes on the grounds of a court ruling".[296] Opposition leader Samuel Doria Medina called the decision "a blow to the constitution".[292] The court of the ACHR in 2018 reviewed and upheld the legality of term limits, automatically triggering reinstatement of Bolivian term limit laws. The Bolivian Electoral Tribunal had already accepted Morales' application and declined to void his candidacy.

Between 28 and 30 September 2020, the Inter-American Court met in an advisory hearing to make a subsequent ruling on whether indefinite re-election as a human right was in compliance with the American Convention on Human Rights. At the virtual hearing, the IACHR argued against the ruling of the Bolivian Supreme court, saying "indefinite reelection is contrary to the American Convention due to its negative effects on representative democracy" and "States have the obligation to limit it (reelection). The alternation in power is the basis of representative democracy". Speaking at the hearing, former Bolivian President, Tuto Quiroga said that the primary objective of the Convention was to protect citizens, not be an instrument of "a tyrant".[297][298][299] None of those that submitted the appeal to the Plurinational Constitutional court appeared at the hearing to defend their position.[300]

2019 election[edit]

See also: 2019 Bolivian general election, 2019 Bolivian protests, and 2019 Bolivian political crisis

A general election was held on 20 October 2019. From 21 October 2019 until late November, mass street protests and counterprotests occurred in Bolivia in response to claims of electoral fraud. The claims of fraud were made after the suspension of the preliminary vote count, in which incumbent Evo Morales was not leading by a large enough margin (10%) to avoid a runoff, and the subsequent publication of the official count, in which Morales won by just over 10%.[301] The final count released on 25 October 2019 gave Morales 47.08% of the votes, with 36.51% for runner-up Carlos Mesa.[302] A margin under 10% would have automatically triggered a runoff election between the top two candidates.[303]

Disputes about the results began on election night, when there was an unexplained 20 hour break in transmission of the results, leading to widespread protests across the country. Responding to concerns about vote tampering and violent protests, Morales asked the Organization of American States (OAS) to conduct an audit of the vote count.[304] Morales said he would call for a second-round runoff vote with Mesa if the OAS' audit found evidence of fraud.[303]

Re-evaluation of OAS findings[edit]

In June 2020, a group of independent researchers in the United States published a report which stated that the OAS's conclusion about the voting trend indicating election fraud was false and based on statistical errors and incorrect data.[305] The researchers from Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEBR), made up of a group of political scientists and experts on Latin American politics, concluded that there was "no statistical evidence of fraud" during the 2019 elections. The New York Times subsequently publicized these findings.[306] This study was criticized by the Bolivian government under Anez's administration, the OAS itself, and by a number of independent press as a campaign of fake news against the transitional government as a way to exonerate ex-President Morales of any responsibility for the events.[307][308] The Trump Justice Department had also on multiple occasions, contacted and threatened to subpoena two researchers at MIT for their study's findings that there was no electoral fraud on Bolivia and that it is “very likely” that Morales’ first-round election victory was in fact legitimate.[309][310]

On 15 October 2020, a study by Gary A. Hoover from the University of Oklahoma and Diego Escobari from the University of Texas found that there was evidence of a "statistically significant electoral case of fraud" that increased the votes of MAS and reduced the votes of the opposition.[311][312] In a survey conducted in June 2020 by the company IPSOS, for the Unión Nacional de Instituciones para el Trabajo de Acción Social (UNITAS), 73% of respondents agreed with the statement that there had been fraud in the October 2019 elections.[313]

The Bolivian government commissioned a report from the Bisite Deep Tech Lab Research Group of the University of Salamanca. The group's report was delivered in July 2021 and found that there was no manipulation of data in the official count or in the Transmission of Preliminary Electoral Results (TREP). After receiving the report, the Bolivian Attorney General's Office initially closed its investigation of electoral fraud in the 2019 elections.[314][better source needed] The Secretary General of the Attorney General's Office later declared that the investigation was still open.[315] Professor Juan Manuel Corchado Rodríguez, who elaborated the study, admitted that important aspects of the process, including the paralyzation of the TREP, electoral acts manipulation and the breaking of the chain of custody of electoral acts. According to Página Siete, at least seven irregularities took place during the comission of the report by the government.[316]

Resignation, asylum, and return to Bolivia[edit]

Morales resigned as president on 10 November 2019; he called his removal "forced" and a "coup" but also said that he wanted to stop the bloodshed.[317][318][319] He made the announcement from El Chapare, a coca-growing rural area of Cochabamba where he had sought refuge.[320] Mexico immediately offered him political asylum as "his life and safety are at risk" in Bolivia.[321] Armed intruders broke into Morales’ home in Cochabamba and he accused "coup plotters" of an arson attack on his sister's home and of putting a price of $50,000 (£38,000) on his head.[319][322] He said his fellow socialist leaders were being "harassed, persecuted and threatened".[319] He thanked Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, whom he credited with saving his life.[319]

On 11 November, a Mexican government plane flew Morales out of Cochabamba, refuelling in Paraguay before arriving in Mexico.[319] In December, Morales moved from Mexico to Argentina, where he was also granted political asylum.[323] Later that month, an arrest warrant was issued for Morales by Bolivian prosecutors for alleged sedition and terrorism. The interim government alleged that Morales promoted violent clashes in the country before and after he left office.[324][325] In February 2020, Morales announced that he would run for a seat in the Plurinational Legislative Assembly in the 2020 Bolivian general election.[326] On 20 February however, the national electoral tribunal ruled that Morales was ineligible to run for Senate.[327] In September 2020, Human Rights Watch reported that it had found no evidence that Morales committed acts of terrorism and described the charges against him as politically motivated.[328] In October 2020, the charges were dropped and the arrest warrant dismissed when a court in La Paz found Morales' rights had been violated and judicial procedures breached.[329]

Return to Bolivia[edit]

The election of MAS candidate Luis Arceas Bolivia's President in 2020 facilitated Morales' return from exile

One day after new president Luis Arce was sworn into office, on 9 November 2020 Morales returned to Bolivia after 11 months abroad.[330] He traveled through Potosí and Oruro before reaching Cochabamba, where a crowd of over a million people met him. He thanked Bolivia for "fighting the right-wing coup and defeating imperialism with democracy" and proposed the relaunch of UNASUR. Morales intended settling in Cochabamba to resume union work and support MAS.[331]

Early decisions made by the Arce administration as well as MAS itself indicated that Morales' influence in the party had declined. In late November and early December, MAS officials began the process of selecting party candidates to run in the upcoming March 2021 regional elections. In four departments (Chuquisaca, Potosí, Cochabamba, and Pando), candidates for governor endorsed by Morales were not chosen by MAS officials.[332] On 11 December, Morales tweeted Miguel “Chiquitín” Becerra would be the MAS candidate for Governor of Pando.[333] This was met by surprise by MAS officials in Pando as Becerra had not even entered the list of candidates voted on as he did not meet the minimum membership requirement of eight years in the party. Instead, Germán Richter had been chosen as the candidate 5 days prior on 7 December. On 14 December, MAS officials in Tarija and Santa Cruz proclaimed Rodolfo Meyer and Adriana Salvatierra as candidates for mayor of those cities before Morales had had the opportunity to arrive.[334]

The same day in the town of Lauca, Morales participated in a meeting to nominate a candidate for Governor of Santa Cruz. Though Morales initially endorsed former Mayor of Warnes Mario Cronenbold, he withdrew his support when Cronenbold made statements in favor of not prosecuting Luis Fernando Camacho, an anti-Morales activist.[335] Instead, Morales endorsed former Minister of Government Carlos Romero as a candidate for governor. However, the announcement of the appointment of Romero was rejected by the meeting's participants with shouts calling for renewal. The discontent ultimately resulted in one person throwing a plastic chair at Morales in what was dubbed the "silletazo."[336] Morales blamed the incident on opposition party backers who infiltrated the rally.[337] Half an hour later, Romero was withdrawn as a candidate and Morales announced television presenter Pedro García as the new nominee.[338] However, the following day MAS bases and grassroots social organizations ratified Mario Cronenbold as their candidate for governor in opposition to García.[335][339]

The "silletazo" was met by various reactions within and outside of the party. Former UD Deputy Rafael Quispe affirmed that the event showed that Morales has "finished his cycle and [...] should go home."[340]Civic Community

Источник: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evo_Morales
0 views

peoples bank in Cuba with Address, Contact Number, Photos, Maps. Visit peoples bank at 701 N Franklin St Cuba MO 65453 United States.

Overview

The peoples bank in Cuba have services Bank ATM with Address, Contact Number, Photos, Maps. View peoples bank, Cuba on Onlydial.

In Cuba, The peoples bank is a identified identify in patient care.

Contact Info

Services

Opening Hours

DaysTime
Saturday8am–12pm
SundayClosed
Monday8am–5pm
Tuesday8am–5pm
Wednesday8am–5pm
Thursday8am–5pm
Friday8am–6pm

Gallery

Map


Источник: https://onlydial.com/us/missouri/loan/peoples-bank/

Peoples Bank Td bank canada credit card login, Missouri

Peoples Bank, #1

Total Assets:$5,060,426K
Deposits:$4,255,130K
Net Income:$27,619K
# of Branches:83
FDIC Cert:#6544
More Information.
 

Peoples Bank, #2

Total Assets:$2,634,957K
Deposits:$2,387,120K
Net Income:$11,907K
# of Branches:24
FDIC Cert:#6158
More Information.

Peoples Bank, #3

Total Assets:$1,602,973K
Deposits:$1,395,099K
Net Income:$8,109,000
# of Branches:22
FDIC Cert:#29523
More Information.
 

Peoples Bank, #4

Total Assets:$1,598,668K
Deposits:$1,395,558K
Net Income:$9,084,000
# of Branches:20
FDIC Cert:#5956
More Information.

Peoples Bank, #5

Total Assets:$889,851K
Deposits:$797,900K
Net Income:$5,341,000
# of Branches:12
FDIC Cert:#19788
More Information.
 

Peoples Bank, #6

Total Assets:$401,015K
Deposits:$326,225K
Net Income:$2,357,000
# of Branches:9
FDIC Cert:#14692
More Information.

Peoples Bank, #7

Источник: http://www.usbanklocations.com/peoples-bank-cuba-mo.htm

Salary paycheck calculator

How much are your employees’ wages after taxes? This powerful tool does all the gross-to-net calculations to estimate take-home pay in all 50 states. For more information, see our salary paycheck calculator guide.

Looking for managed Payroll and benefits for your business?

Get a free quote

Important note on the salary paycheck calculator: The calculator on this page is provided chase bank careers florida the ADP Employer Resource Center and is designed to provide general guidance and estimates. It should not be relied upon to calculate exact taxes, payroll or other financial data. These calculators are not intended to provide tax or legal advice and do not represent any ADP service or solution. You should refer to a professional advisor or accountant regarding any specific requirements or concerns.

Salary paycheck calculator guide

Although our salary paycheck calculator does much of the heavy lifting, it may be helpful to take a closer look at a few of the calculations that are essential to payroll.

How to calculate net income

  1. Determine taxable income by deducting any pre-tax contributions to benefits
  2. Withhold all applicable taxes (federal, state and local)
  3. Deduct any post-tax contributions to benefits
  4. Garnish wages, if necessary
  5. The result is net income

How to calculate annual income

To calculate an annual salary, multiply the gross pay (before tax deductions) by the number of pay periods per year. For example, if an employee earns $1,500 per week, the individual’s annual income would be 1,500 x 52 = $78,000.

How to calculate taxes taken out of a paycheck

  1. Refer to employee withholding certificates and current tax brackets to calculate federal income tax
  2. Calculate Federal Insurance Contribution Act (FICA) taxes using the latest rates for Medicare and Social Security
  3. Determine if state income tax and other state and local taxes and withholdings apply
  4. Divide the sum of all applicable taxes by the employee’s gross pay
  5. The result is the percentage of taxes deducted from a paycheck

Calculations, however, are just one piece of the larger paycheck picture.

What is a paycheck?

A paycheck is how businesses compensate employees for their work. The most common delivery schedules are bi-weekly and semi-monthly, though this varies based on employer preferences and applicable state laws and regulations. Business-specific requirements, such as collective bargaining agreements covering union employees, may also dictate paycheck frequency.

Types of paychecks

Traditionally, employees received printed checks in person or by mail, but more often today, the money is electronically deposited into a bank account. Some employers may also offer optional alternatives to paychecks, such as paycards, which can be advantageous to unbanked workers.

How to read a paycheck

Unlike withholding certificates and other employment documents, paychecks are pretty easy to decipher. Reading them is simply a matter of making sure the payment information is correct.

Information found on a paycheck:

  • Check number
  • Employer’s name and address
  • Employee’s name and address
  • Check date
  • Payment amount
  • Employer’s bank account and routing numbers
  • Check memo (optional)

Information found on a pay stub

Most states require employees to receive pay stubs. They’re typically provided with paychecks and list details average american savings 2020 as:

  • Pay period start and end date
  • Hours worked
  • Gross pay
  • Net or take home pay
  • Federal and state income taxes
  • Local taxes
  • Medicare and Social Security taxes
  • Deductions for benefits
  • Wage garnishments
  • Year-to-date totals
  • Paid time off (PTO) balances

Actual pay stubs vary based on individual circumstances and the state. Some have specific requirements about the information that has to be included on the pay statement and when it must be delivered to employees. 

Understanding paychecks: Withholdings and deductions

When reviewing their first paycheck, those who are new to the workforce may wonder why their take home pay is less than their gross pay. The reason is because of taxes, withholdings and deductions such as these:

Federal income tax withholding

Employers withhold federal income tax from their workers’ pay based on current tax rates and Form W-4, Employee Withholding Certificates. When completing this form, employees typically need to provide their filing status and note if they are claiming any dependents, work multiple jobs or have a spouse who also works (for married filing jointly purposes), or have any other necessary adjustments.

FICA withholding

FICA is a two-part tax. Both employees and employers pay 1.45% for Medicare and 6.2% for Social Security. The latter has a wage base limit of $142,800, which means that after employees earn that much, the tax is no longer deducted from their earnings for the rest of the year. Those with high income may also be subject to Additional Medicare tax, which is 0.9%, paid for only by the employee, not the employer.

State and local tax withholding

State and local taxes vary greatly by geographic region, with some charging much more than others. Examples include:

Benefit deductions

Businesses that offer health insurance, dental insurance, retirement savings plans and other benefits often share the cost with their employees and withhold it from their pay. Depending on the type of benefit and the regulations that apply to it, the deduction may be pretax or post-tax. Pretax is more advantageous to employees because it lowers the individual’s taxable income.

Wage garnishments

Employers may need to deduct garnishments from employee wages if they receive a court order to do so. This can occur if an employee defaults on a loan, has unpaid taxes or is required to pay child support or alimony.

Frequently asked questions about paychecks

Is a pay stub the same as a paycheck?

Although paychecks and pay stubs are generally provided together, they are not one in the same. A paycheck is a directive to a financial institution that approves the transfer of funds from the employer to the employee. A pay stub, on the other hand, has no monetary value and is simply an explanatory document.

What should a pay stub look like?

Pay stubs generally show how an employee’s income for a particular pay period was derived, along with line items of the taxes withheld, voluntary deductions and any other benefits received. Further specifics may be required by state or local governments.

What should you do with your paycheck stub?

Pay stubs are used to verify payment accuracy and may be necessary when settling wage/hour disputes. For this reason, employees may want to save their pay stubs, but aren’t required to do so. Employers, however, must keep payroll records for the specific lengths of time mandated by federal and state governments.

What should you do if you don't receive your paycheck or your paycheck is late?

The course of action depends on the reason for the missed or late paycheck. Honest mistakes can usually be addressed by contacting the employer’s HR department.

How do I create a paycheck for an employee?

Employers typically have two basic options for creating paychecks:

  1. Order check stock from an office supply store or the bank that has the business payroll account and print the checks each pay period.
  2. Work with a payroll service provider. Some offer packages that include check signing and stuffing done on the employer’s behalf.
Источник: https://www.adp.com/resources/tools/calculators/salary-paycheck-calculator.aspx

Routing Number and Information

Peoples Bank branch in Newton, NC

Total Assets:$747,404K
Deposits:$645,111K
Net Income:$6,540,000
# of Branches:9
FDIC Cert:#16265
More How do i pay my tmobile phone bill online Bank, #8

Total Assets:$422,771K
Deposits:$377,747K
Net Income:$8,608,000
# of Branches:7
FDIC Cert:#9366
More Information.

Peoples Bank, #9

Total Assets:$251,219K
Deposits:$223,089K
Net Income:$1,910,000
# of Branches:5
FDIC Cert:#12230
More Information.
 

Peoples Bank, #10

Total Assets:$113,980K
Deposits:$92,080K
Net Income:$1,369,000
# of Branches:3
FDIC Cert:#1562
More Information.

Peoples Bank, #11

Total Assets:$246,679K
Deposits:$221,416K
Net Income:$1,247,000
# of Branches:3
FDIC Cert:#9489
More Information.
 

Peoples Bank, #12

Total Assets:$144,643K
Deposits:$132,379K
Net Income:$829,000
# of Branches:2
FDIC Cert:#15216
More Information.

Peoples Bank, #13

Total Assets:$172,897K
Deposits:$137,391K
Net Income:$947,000
# of Branches:2
FDIC Cert:#27398
More Information.
 

Peoples Bank, #14

Total Assets:$191,675K
Deposits:$162,309K
Net Income:$1,524,000
# of Branches:2
FDIC Cert:#57058
More Information.

Peoples Bank, #15

Total Assets:$83,967K
Deposits:$73,052K
Net Income:$417,000
# of Branches:1
FDIC Cert:#9328
More Information.
 

Peoples Bank, #16

Total Assets:$54,536K
Deposits:$44,810K
Net Income:$217,000
# of Branches:1
FDIC Cert:#14636
More Information.
Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number53104869
Bank CityNewton
Bank StateNC

Peoples Bank branch in Red Level, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number62104397
Bank CityRed Level
Bank StateAL

Peoples Bank branch in Greensboro, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number62201533
Bank CityGreensboro
Bank StateAL

Peoples Bank branch in Clifton, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number64103464
Bank CityClifton
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number65303467
Bank CityMendenhall
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank branch in Biloxi, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number65500752
Bank CityBiloxi
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank branch in Rock Valley, IA

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number73922005
Bank CityRock Valley
Bank StateIA

Peoples Bank branch in Elkhorn, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number75917898
Bank CityElkhorn
Bank StateWI

Peoples Bank branch in Cuba, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number81506552
Bank CityCuba
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank branch in Brownstown, IN

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83905326
Bank CityBrownstown
Bank StateIN

Peoples Bank branch in Mount Washington, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83905630
Bank CityMount Washington
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank branch in Marion, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83907955
Bank CityMarion
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank branch in Ripley, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number84205452
Bank CityRipley
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank branch in Overland Park, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101007041
Bank CityOverland Park
Bank StateKS

Peoples Bank branch in Coldwater, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101104779
Bank CityColdwater
Bank StateKS

Peoples Bank branch in Tulsa, OK

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number103908669
Bank CityTulsa
Bank StateOK

Peoples Bank branch in Ranchos De Taos, NM

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number107004491
Bank CityRanchos De Taos
Bank StateNM

Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111316887
Bank CityLubbock
Bank StateTX

Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111916656
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX

Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111924554
Bank CityColleyville
Bank StateTX

Peoples Bank branch in Lynden, WA

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number125104425
Bank CityLynden
Bank StateWA

Peoples Bank branch in Lynden, WA


Peoples Bank branch in Clifton, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number64103464
Bank Code NameP B Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address129 Main Street
Bank CityClifton
Bank StateTN
Bank Zip38425
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbbanking.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Westville, OK


Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Lubbock, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111316887
Bank Code NameTexas Peoples National Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address35 South Plaza
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX
Bank Zip75460
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbparis.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111916656
Bank Code NameTexas Peoples National Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address35 South Plaza
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX
Bank Zip75460
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbparis.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Paris, TX

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number111924554
Bank Code NameTexas Peoples National Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address35 South Plaza
Bank CityParis
Bank StateTX
Bank Zip75460
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbparis.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Rock Valley, IA

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number73922005
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp
Bank Address1230 Valley Drive
Bank CityRock Valley
Bank StateIA
Bank Zip51247
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoples-ebank.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Coldwater, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101007041
Bank Code How many people died in the civil war State Bank Employee Stock Ownership Plan
Bank Address101 East Main
Bank CityColdwater
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip67029
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankcoldwater.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Coldwater, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101104779
Bank Code NameStockgrowers State Bank Employee Stock Ownership Plan
Bank Address101 East Main
Bank CityColdwater
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip67029
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankcoldwater.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Lebanon, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83905630
Bank Code NameCommunity Financial Of Kentucky, Inc.
Bank Address265 Old Springfield Road
Bank CityLebanon
Bank StateKY
Bank Zip40033
Bank Websitehttp://www.pboflebanon.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Lebanon, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number83907955
Bank Code NameCommunity Financial Of Kentucky, Inc.
Bank Address265 Old Springfield Road
Bank CityLebanon
Bank StateKY
Bank Zip40033
Bank Websitehttp://www.pboflebanon.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Cuba, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number81506552
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorporation, Inc.
Bank Address408 W, Washington Street
Bank CityCuba
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip65453
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbk.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS


Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS


Peoples Bank branch in Mendenhall, MS


Peoples Bank branch in Tulsa, OK

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number103908669
Bank Code NamePeoples State Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address445 South Lewis Avenue
Bank CityTulsa
Bank StateOK
Bank Zip74150
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanktulsa.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Newton, NC

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number53104869
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp Of North Carolina, Inc.
Bank Address518 West C Street
Bank CityNewton
Bank StateNC
Bank Zip28658
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanknc.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Colleyville, TX


Peoples Bank branch in Lawrence, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101007041
Bank Code NameWinter Trust Of 12/3/74
Bank Address4831 West 6th Street
Bank CityLawrence
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip66044
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankingunusual.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Lawrence, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number101104779
Bank Code NameWinter Trust Of 12/3/74
Bank Address4831 West 6th Street
Bank CityLawrence
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip66044
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankingunusual.com/

Peoples Bank branch in Elkhorn, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank
Bank Routing Number75917898
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address837 N. Wisconsin Street
Bank CityElkhorn
Bank StateWI
Bank Zip53121
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankwi.com/

Peoples Bank And Trust Company branch in Mcpherson, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank And Trust Company
Bank Routing Number101101581
Bank CityMcpherson
Bank StateKS

Peoples Bank And Trust Company branch in Mcpherson, KS

Bank NamePeoples Bank And Trust Company
Bank Routing Number101101581
Bank Code NamePbt Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address101 South Main Street
Bank CityMcpherson
Bank StateKS
Bank Zip67460
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankonline.com/

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Caldwell, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44106944
Bank CityCaldwell
Bank StateOH

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Marietta, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44202505
Bank CityMarietta
Bank StateOH

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Marietta, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44106944
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp Inc.
Bank Address138 Putnam Street
Bank CityMarietta
Bank StateOH
Bank Zip45750
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbancorp.com/

Peoples Bank National Association branch in Marietta, OH

Bank NamePeoples Bank National Association
Bank Routing Number44202505
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp Inc.
Bank Address138 Putnam Street
Bank CityMarietta
Bank StateOH
Bank Zip45750
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbancorp.com/

Peoples Bank Of Alabama branch in Cullman, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Alabama
Bank Routing Number62203010
Bank CityCullman
Bank StateAL

Peoples Bank Of Alabama branch in Cullman, AL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Alabama
Bank Routing Number62203010
Bank Code NameAltrust Financial Services, Inc.
Bank Address811 Second Avenue, S.w.
Bank CityCullman
Bank StateAL
Bank Zip35055
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankal.com/

Peoples Bank Of Altenburg branch in Altenburg, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Altenburg
Bank Routing Number81908590
Bank CityAltenburg
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank Of Altenburg branch in Altenburg, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Altenburg
Bank Routing Number81908590
Bank Code NameLincoln County Bancorp, Inc.
Bank AddressMain At Hahn
Bank CityAltenburg
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip63732
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesoa.com/

Peoples Bank Of Bullitt County branch in Shepherdsville, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Bullitt County
Bank Routing Number83901414
Bank CityShepherdsville
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Of Commerce branch in Cambridge, MN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Commerce
Bank Routing Number91913216
Bank CityCambridge
Bank StateMN

Peoples Bank Of Commerce branch in Cambridge, MN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Commerce
Bank Routing Number91913216
Bank Code NameDuke Financial Group, Inc.
Bank Address234 First Avenue East
Bank CityCambridge
Bank StateMN
Bank Zip55008
Bank Websitehttp://www.e-pbc.com/

Peoples Bank Of East Tennessee branch in Madisonville, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of East Tennessee
Bank Routing Number64208398
Bank CityMadisonville
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank Of East Tennessee branch in Madisonville, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of East Tennessee
Bank Routing Number64208398
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancshares Of Tn, Inc.
Bank Address4511 U.s. Highway 411
Bank CityMadisonville
Bank StateTN
Bank Zip37354
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbank-tn.com/

Peoples Bank Of Ewing branch in Ewing, VA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Ewing
Bank Routing Number51405803
Bank CityEwing
Bank StateVA

Peoples Bank Of Graceville branch in Graceville, FL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Graceville
Bank Routing Number63209660
Bank CityGraceville
Bank StateFL

Peoples Bank Of Graceville branch in Graceville, FL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Graceville
Bank Routing Number63209660
Bank Code NamePbg Financial Services, Inc.
Bank Address5306 Brown St
Bank CityGraceville
Bank StateFL
Bank Zip32440
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesgraceville.com/

Peoples Bank Of Kankakee County branch in Bourbonnais, IL

Bank 30 year mortgage calculator amortization Bank Of Kankakee County
Bank Routing Number71923404
Bank CityBourbonnais
Bank StateIL

Peoples Bank Of Kankakee County branch in Bourbonnais, IL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Kankakee County
Bank Routing Number71923404
Bank Code NameRomy Hammes, Inc.
Bank Address315 Main Street, N.w.
Bank CityBourbonnais
Bank StateIL
Bank Zip60914
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankdirect.com/

Peoples Bank Of Kentucky Inc branch in Flemingsburg, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Kentucky Inc
Bank Routing Number42102788
Bank CityFlemingsburg
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Of The Ozarks branch in Nixa, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of The Ozarks
Bank Routing Number81515462
Bank CityNixa
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank Of The Ozarks branch in Nixa, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of The Ozarks
Bank Routing Number81515462
Bank Code NamePeoples Service Company
Bank Address307 West Mt. Vernon Street
Bank CityNixa
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip65714
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanking.com/

Peoples Bank Of The South branch in La Follette, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of The South
Bank Routing Number64206031
Bank CityLa Follette
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank Of The South branch in La Follette, TN


Peoples Bank Of Virginia branch in Richmond, VA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Virginia
Bank Routing Number51409142
Bank CityRichmond
Bank StateVA

Peoples Bank Of Virginia branch in Richmond, VA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Virginia
Bank Routing Number51409142
Bank Address2702 North Parham Road
Bank CityRichmond
Bank StateVA
Bank Zip23294
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbva.com/

Peoples Bank Of Wisconsin branch in Hayward, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Wisconsin
Bank Routing Number91810623
Bank CityHayward
Bank StateWI

Peoples Bank Of Wisconsin branch in Hayward, WI

Bank NamePeoples Bank Of Wisconsin
Bank Routing Number91810623
Bank Code NameHayward Bancshares, Inc.
Bank Address10583 Main
Bank CityHayward
Bank StateWI
Bank Zip54843
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbankofwi.com/

Peoples Bank Sb branch in Munster, IN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Sb
Bank Routing Number271973924
Bank CityMunster
Bank StateIN

Peoples Bank Sb branch in Munster, IN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Sb
Bank Routing Number271973924
Bank Code NameNorthwest Indiana Bancorp
Bank Address9204 Columbia Avenue
Bank CityMunster
Bank StateIN
Bank Zip46321
Bank Websitehttp://www.ibankpeoples.com/

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Buford, GA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number61103153
Bank CityBuford
Bank StateGA

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Pana, IL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number71122535
Bank CityPana
Bank StateIL

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Pana, IL

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number71122535
Bank Code NamePeople First Bancshares, Inc.
Bank AddressThird And Locust Streets
Bank CityPana
Bank StateIL
Bank Zip62557
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankpbt.com/

Peoples Bank Trust branch in Buford, GA

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust
Bank Routing Number61103153
Bank Code NamePeoples Banktrust, Inc.
Bank Address1899 Buford Highway
Bank CityBuford
Bank StateGA
Bank Zip30518
Bank Websitehttp://www.peoplesbanktrust.com/

Peoples Bank Trust Co branch in Troy, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co
Bank Routing Number81910232
Bank CityTroy
Bank StateMO

Peoples Bank Trust Co branch in Troy, MO

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co
Bank Routing Number81910232
Bank Code NameLincoln County Bancorp, Inc.
Bank Address430 East Wood Street
Bank CityTroy
Bank StateMO
Bank Zip63379
Bank Websitehttp://www.pbtc.net/

Peoples Bank Trust Co Madison Cty branch in Berea, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co Madison Cty
Bank Routing Number42101268
Bank CityBerea
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Trust Co Of Hazard branch in Hazard, KY

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Co Of Hazard
Bank Routing Number42107424
Bank CityHazard
Bank StateKY

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch in Manchester, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number64102384
Bank CityManchester
Bank StateTN

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch in North Carrollton, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number84203593
Bank CityNorth Carrollton
Bank StateMS

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch in North Carrollton, MS

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number84203593
Bank Code NamePeoples Commerce Corporation
Bank AddressMain Street
Bank CityNorth Carrollton
Bank StateMS
Bank Zip38947

Peoples Bank Trust Company branch pirates of the caribbean at worlds end davy jones death Manchester, TN

Bank NamePeoples Bank Trust Company
Bank Routing Number64102384
Bank Code NamePeoples Bancorp, Inc.
Bank Address1203 Hillsboro Boulevard
Bank CityManchester
Bank StateTN
Bank Zip37355
Bank Websitehttp://www.bankwithpeoples.com/


Open PDF File- Learn how to open Portable Document Format File, Open DWG File- Learn how to open Audocad Drawing file, Open DMG File- Learn how to open Apple Installation Package files.
Copyright © 2018 routingnumbercheck.com
Источник: https://routingnumbercheck.com/PEOPLES_BANK
peoples bank cuba mo NE 28th St, Fort Worth, TX 76164

Источник: https://loancounty.com/missouri/cuba/peoples-bank-mo-head-office

Evo Morales

65th President of Bolivia (2006-19)

In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Morales and the second or maternal family name is Peoples bank cuba mo Evo Morales Ayma (Spanish pronunciation: [xwɑːn ˈeβo moˈɾales ˈaʝ.ma]; born 26 October 1959) is a Bolivian politician, trade union organizer, and former cocalero activist who served as the 65th President of Bolivia from 2006 to 2019. Widely regarded as the country's first president to come from its indigenous population,[a] his administration focused on the implementation of leftist policies and combating the influence of the United States and multinational corporations. Ideologically a socialist, he first community bank kansas city mo led the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party since 1998.

Born to an Aymara family of subsistence farmers in Isallawi, Orinoca Canton, Morales undertook a basic education and mandatory military service before moving to the Chapare Province in 1978. Growing coca and becoming a trade unionist, he rose to prominence in the campesino ("rural laborers") union. In that capacity, he campaigned against United States and Bolivian attempts to eradicate coca as part of the War on Drugs, denouncing these as an imperialist violation of indigenous Andean culture. His involvement in anti-government direct action protests resulted in multiple arrests. Morales entered electoral politics in 1995, became the leader of the MAS, and was elected to Congress in 1997. Coupled with populist rhetoric, his campaign focused on issues affecting indigenous and poor communities, advocating land reform and more equal redistribution of gas wealth. He gained increased visibility through the Cochabamba Water War and gas conflict. In 2002, he was expelled from Congress for encouraging anti-government protesters, although he came second in that year's presidential election.

Once elected in 2005, Morales increased taxation on the hydrocarbon industry to bolster social spending and emphasized projects to combat illiteracy, poverty, racism, and sexism. Vocally criticizing neoliberalism, Morales' government moved Bolivia towards a mixed economy, reduced its dependence on the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), and oversaw strong economic growth. Scaling back United States influence in the country, he built relationships with leftist governments in the Latin American pink tide, especially Hugo Chávez's Venezuela and Fidel Castro's Cuba, and signed Bolivia into the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas. His administration opposed the autonomist demands of Bolivia's eastern provinces, won a 2008 recall referendum, and instituted a new constitution that established Bolivia as a plurinational state. Re-elected in 2009 and 2014, he oversaw Bolivia's admission to the Bank of the South and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, although his popularity was dented by attempts to abolish presidential term limits. Following the disputed 2019 general election and the ensuing unrest, Morales agreed to calls for his resignation. After a temporary exile, he returned following the election of President Luis Arce.

Morales' supporters laud him as a champion of indigenous rights, anti-imperialism, and environmentalism, and he was credited with overseeing significant economic growth and poverty reduction as well as increased investment in schools, hospitals, and infrastructure. Critics point to democratic backsliding during his tenure, argue that his policies sometimes failed to reflect his environmentalist and indigenous rights rhetoric, and claim that his defence of coca contributed to illegal cocaine production.

Early life and activism[edit]

Childhood, education, and military service: 1959–1978[edit]

Morales was born in the small rural village of Isallawi in Orinoca Canton, part of western Bolivia's Oruro Department, on 26 October 1959, to an Aymara family.[8] One of seven children born to Dionisio Morales Choque and his wife María Ayma Mamani,[10] only he and two siblings, Esther and Hugo, survived past childhood. His mother almost died from a postpartum haemorrhage following his birth. In keeping with Aymara custom, his father buried the placenta produced after his birth in a place specially chosen for the occasion. His childhood home was a traditional adobe house, and he grew up speaking the Aymara language, although later commentators would remark that by the time he had become president he was no longer an entirely fluent speaker.

Aymara in traditional dress (left); Poopó Lake was the dominant geographical feature around Morales's home village of Isallawi (right).

Morales' family were farmers; from an early age, he helped them to plant and harvest crops and guard their herd of llamas and sheep, taking a homemade soccer ball to amuse himself. As a toddler, he briefly attended Orinoca's preparatory school, and at five began schooling at the single-room primary school in Isallawi. Aged 6, he spent six months in northern Argentina with his sister and father. There, Dionisio harvested sugar cane while Evo sold ice cream and briefly attended a Spanish-language school. As a child, he regularly traveled on foot to Arani province in Cochabamba with his father and their llamas, a journey lasting up to two weeks, in order to exchange salt and potatoes for maize and coca. A big fan of soccer, at age 13 he organized a community soccer team with himself as team captain. Within two years, he was elected training coach for the whole region, and thus gained early experience in leadership.

After finishing primary education, Morales attended the Agrarian Humanistic Technical Institute of Orinoca (ITAHO), completing all but the final year. His parents then sent him to study for a degree in Oruro; although he did poorly academically, he finished all of his courses and exams by 1977, earning money on the side as a brick-maker, day laborer, baker and a trumpet player for the Royal Imperial Band. The latter position allowed him to travel across Bolivia. At the end of his higher education he failed to collect his degree certificate. Although interested in studying journalism, he did not pursue it as a profession.

Morales served his mandatory military service in the Bolivian army from 1977 to 1978. Initially signed up at the Centre for Instruction of Special Troops (CITE) in Cochabamba, he was sent into the Fourth Ingavi Cavalry Regiment and stationed at the army headquarters in the Bolivian capital La Paz. These two years were one of Bolivia's politically most unstable periods, with five presidents and two military coups, led by General Juan Pereda and General David Padilla respectively; under the latter's regime, Morales was stationed as a guard at the Palacio Quemado (Presidential Palace).

Early cocalero activism: 1978–1983[edit]

Following his military service, Morales returned to his family, who had escaped the agricultural devastation of 1980's El Niño storm cycle by relocating to the Tropics of Cochabamba in the eastern lowlands. Setting up home in the town of Villa 14 de Septiembre, El Chapare, using a loan from Morales' maternal uncle, the family cleared a plot of land in the forest to grow rice, oranges, grapefruit, papaya, bananas and later on coca. It was here that Morales learned to speak Quechua, the indigenous local language. The arrival of the Morales family was a part of a much wider migration to the region; in 1981 El Chapare's population was 40,000 but by 1988 it had risen to 215,000. Many Bolivians hoped to set up farms where they could earn a living growing coca, which was experiencing a steady rise in price and which could be cultivated up to four times a year; a traditional medicinal and ritual substance in Andean culture, it was also sold abroad as the key ingredient in cocaine. Morales joined the local soccer team, before founding his own team, New Horizon, which proved victorious at the 2 August Central Tournament. The El Chapare region remained special to Morales for many years to come; during his presidency he often talked of it in speeches and regularly visited.

Morales policy was "Coca Yes, Cocaine No". A Bolivian man holding a coca leaf, (left); Coca tea, a traditional Andean infusion (right).

In El Chapare, Morales joined a trade union of cocaleros (coca growers), being appointed local Secretary of Sports. Organizing soccer tournaments, among union members he earned the nickname of "the young ball player" because of his tendency to organize matches during meeting recesses. Influenced in joining the union by wider events, in 1980 the far-right General Luis García Meza had seized power in a military coup, banning other political parties and declaring himself president; for Peoples bank cuba mo, a "foundational event in his relationship with politics" occurred in 1981, when a campesino (coca grower) was accused of cocaine trafficking by soldiers, beaten up, and burned to death. In 1982 the leftist Hernán Siles Zuazo and the Democratic and Popular Union (Unidad Democrática y Popular – UDP) took power in representative democratic elections, before implementing neoliberal capitalist reforms and privatizing much of the state sector with United States support; hyperinflation came under control, but unemployment rose to 25%. Becoming increasingly active in the union, from 1982 to 1983, Morales served as the General Secretary of his local San Francisco syndicate. In 1983, Morales' father Dionisio died, and although he missed the funeral he temporarily retreated from his union work to organize his father's affairs.

As part of the War on Drugs, the United States government hoped to stem the cocaine trade by preventing the production of coca; they pressured the Bolivian government to eradicate it, sending troops to Bolivia to aid the operation. Bolivian troops would burn coca crops and in many cases beat up coca growers who challenged them. Angered by this, Morales returned to cocalero campaigning; like many of his comrades, he refused the US$2,500 compensation offered by the government for each acre of coca he eradicated. Deeply embedded in Bolivian purina one large breed puppy feeding chart, the campesinos had an ancestral relationship with coca and did not want to lose their most profitable means of subsistence. For them, it was an issue of national sovereignty, with the United States viewed as imperialists; activists regularly proclaimed "Long live coca! Death to the Yankees!" ("Causachun coca! Wañuchun yanquis!").

General Secretary of the Cocalero Union: 1984–1994[edit]

From 1984 to 1985, Morales served as Secretary of Records for the movement, and in 1985 he became General Secretary of the August Second Headquarters. From 1984 to 1991, the sindicatos embarked on a series of protests against the forced eradication of coca by occupying local government offices, setting up roadblocks, going on hunger strike, and organizing mass marches and demonstrations. Morales was personally involved in this direct activism and in 1984 was present at a roadblock where 3 campesinos were killed. In 1988, Morales was elected to the position of Executive Secretary of the Federation of the Tropics. In 1989, he spoke at a one-year commemoratory event of the Villa Tunari massacre in which 11 coca farmers had been killed by agents of the Rural Area Mobile Patrol Unit (Unidad Móvil Policial para Áreas Rurales – UMOPAR). The following day, UMOPAR agents beat Morales up, leaving him in the mountains to die, but he was rescued by other union members. To combat this violence, Morales concluded that an armed cocalero militia could launch a guerrilla war against the government, but he soon chose to pursue an electoral path. In 1992, he made various international trips to champion the cocalero cause, speaking at a conference in Cuba, and also traveling to Canada, during which he learned of his mother's death.

In his speeches, Morales presented the coca leaf as a symbol of Andean culture that was under threat from the imperialist oppression of the United States. In his view, the United States should deal with their domestic cocaine abuse problems without interfering in Bolivia, arguing that they had no right trying to eliminate coca, a legitimate product with many uses which played a rich role in Andean culture. In a speech, Morales told reporters "I am not a drug trafficker. I am a coca grower. I cultivate coca leaf, which is a natural product. I do not refine (it into) cocaine, and neither cocaine nor drugs have ever been part of the Andean culture".[5] Morales has stated that "We produce our coca, we bring it to the main markets, we sell it and that's where our responsibility ends".

Morales presented the coca growers as victims of a wealthy, urban social elite who had bowed to United States pressure by implementing neoliberal economic reforms. He argued that these reforms were to the detriment of Bolivia's majority, and thus the country's representative democratic system www walmart money card customer service governance failed to reflect the true democratic will of the majority. This situation was exacerbated following the 1993 general election when the centrist Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario – MNR) won the election and Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada became president. He adopted a policy of "shock therapy", implementing economic liberalization and widescale privatization of state-owned assets. Sánchez also agreed with the U.S. DEA to relaunch its offensive against the Bolivian coca growers, committing Bolivia to eradicating 12,500 acres (5,100 ha) of coca by March 1994 in exchange for US$20 million worth of United States aid, something Morales stated would be opposed by the cocalero movement.

In August 1994, Morales was arrested; reporters present at the scene witnessed him being beaten and accosted with racial slurs by civil agents. Accused of sedition, in jail he began a dry hunger strike to protest his arrest. The following day, 3000 campesinos began a 360 mi (580 km) march from Villa Tunari to La Paz. Morales would be freed on 7 September 1994, and soon joined the march, which arrived at its destination on 19 September 1994, where they covered the city with political graffiti. He was again arrested in April 1995 during a sting operation that rounded up those at a meeting of the Andean Council of Coca Producers that he was chairing on the shores of Lake Titicaca. Accusing the group of plotting a coup with the aid of Colombia's FARC and Peru's Shining Path, a number of his comrades were tortured, although no evidence of a coup was brought forth and he was freed within a week. He proceeded to Argentina to attend a seminar on liberation struggles.

Political rise[edit]

The ASP, IPSP, and MAS: 1995–1999[edit]

Members of the sindicato peoples bank cuba mo movement first suggested a move into the political arena in 1986. This was controversial, with many fearing that politicians would co-opt the movement for personal gain. Morales began supporting the formation of a political wing in 1989, although a consensus in favor of its formation only emerged in 1993. On 27 March 1995, at the 7th Congress of the Unique Confederation of Rural Laborers of Bolivia (Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia – CSUTCB), a "political instrument" (a term employed over "political party") was formed, named the Assembly for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (Asamblea por la Sobernía de los Pueblos – ASP). At the ASP's 1st Congress, the CSUTCB wells fargo bank hours dallas tx alongside three other Bolivian unions, representing miners, peasants and indigenous peoples. In 1996, Morales was appointed chairman of the Committee of the Six Federations of the Tropics of Cochabamba, a position that he retained until 2006.

Bolivia's National Electoral Court (Corte Nacional Electoral – CNE) refused to recognize the ASP, citing minor procedural infringements. The coca activists circumvented this problem by running under the banner of the United Left (IU), a coalition of leftist parties headed by the Communist Party of Bolivia (Partido Comunista Boliviano – PCB). They won landslide victories in those areas which were local strongholds of the movement, producing 11 mayors and 49 municipal councilors. Morales was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in the National Congress as a representative for El Chapare, having secured 70.1% of the local vote. In the national elections of 1997, the IU/ASP gained four seats in Congress, obtaining 3.7% of the national vote, with this rising to 17.5% in the department of Cochabamba. The election resulted in the establishment of a coalition government led by the right-wing Nationalist Democratic Action (Acción Democrática Nacionalista – ADN), with Hugo Banzer as president; Morales lambasted him as "the worst politician in Bolivian history".

MAS-IPSP partisans celebrate the 16th anniversary of the IPSP party's founding in Sacaba, Cochabamba.

Rising electoral success was accompanied by factional in-fighting, with a leadership contest emerging in the ASP between the incumbent Alejo Véliz and Morales, who had the electoral backing of the social movement's bases. The conflict led to a schism, with Morales and his supporters splitting to form their own party, the Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (Instrumento Político por la Soberanía de los Pueblos – IPSP). The movement's bases defected en masse to the IPSP, leaving the ASP to crumble and Véliz to join the center-right New Republican Force (Nueva Fuerza Republicana – NFR), for which Morales denounced him as a traitor to the cocalero cause. Continuing his activism, in 1998 Morales led another cocalero march from El Chapare to la Paz, and came under increasing criticism from the government, who repeatedly accused him of being involved in the cocaine trade and mocked him for how he spoke and his lack of education.

Morales came to an agreement with David Añez Pedraza, the leader of a defunct yet still registered falangist party named the Movement for Socialism (MAS); under this agreement, Morales and the Six Federaciónes could take over the party name, with Pendraza stipulating the condition that they must maintain MAS's own acronym, name and colors. Thus, the MAS and IPSP merged, becoming known as the Movement for Socialism – Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples. The Jose feliciano official website would come to be described as "an indigenous-based political party that calls for the nationalization of industry, legalization of the coca leaf . and fairer distribution of national resources."[62] The party lacked the finance available to the mainstream parties, and so relied largely on the work of volunteers in order to operate. It was not structured like other political parties, instead operating as the political wing of the social movement, with all tiers in the movement involved in decision making; this form of organisation would continue until 2004. In the December 1999 municipal elections, the MAS secured 79 municipal council seats and 10 mayoral positions, gaining 3.27% of the national vote, although 70% of the vote in Cochabamba.

Cochabamba protests: 2000–2002[edit]

In 2000, the Tunari Waters corporation doubled the price at which they sold water to Bolivian consumers, resulting in a backlash from leftist activist groups, including the cocaleros. Activists clashed with police and armed forces, in what was dubbed "the Water War", resulting in 6 dead and 175 wounded. Responding to the violence, the government removed the contract from Tunari and placed the utility under cooperative control. In ensuing years further violent protests broke out over a range of issues, resulting in more deaths both among activists and law enforcement. Much of this unrest was connected with the widespread opposition to economic liberalization across Bolivian society, with a common perception that it only benefited a small minority.

In the Andean High Plateau, a cocalero group launched a guerrilla uprising under the leadership of Felipe Quispe; an ethnic separatist, he and Morales disliked each other, with Quispe considering Morales to be a traitor and an opportunist for his willingness to cooperate with White Bolivians. Morales had not taken a leading role in these protests, but did use them to get across his message that the MAS was not a single-issue party, and that rather than simply fighting for the rights of the cocalero it was arguing whole foods market 181 cambridge st boston ma 02114 structural change to the political system and a redefinition of citizenship in Bolivia.

Evo Morales (right) with French labor union leader José Bovéin 2002

In August 2001, Banzer resigned due to terminal illness, and Jorge Quiroga took over as president. Under U.S. pressure, Quiroga sought to have Morales expelled from Congress by saying that Morales' inflammatory language had caused the deaths of two police officers in Sacaba near Cochabamba. He was unable to provide any evidence of Morales' culpability. 140 deputies voted for Morales' expulsion, which came about in 2002. Morales said that it "was a trial against Aymara and Quechas". MAS activists interpreted it as evidence of the pseudo-democratic credentials of the political class.

The MAS gained increasing popularity as a protest party, relying largely on widespread dissatisfaction with the existing mainstream political parties among Bolivians living in rural and poor urban areas. Morales recognized this, and much of his discourse focused on differentiating the MAS from the traditional political class. Their campaign was successful, and in the 2002 presidential election the MAS gained 20.94% of the national vote, becoming Bolivia's second largest party, being only 1.5% behind the victorious MNR, whose candidate, Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, became president. They won 8 seats in the Senate and 27 in the Chamber of Deputies. Now the leader of the political opposition, Morales focused on 2018 ibc code online government policies rather than outlining alternatives. He had several unconstructive meetings with Lozada, but met with Venezuela's Hugo Chávez for the first time.

Bolivia's U.S. embassy had become publicly highly critical of Morales; just prior to the election, the U.S. ambassador to Bolivia Manuel Rocha issued a statement declaring that U.S. aid to Bolivia would be cut if MAS won the election. However, exit polls revealed that Rocha's comments had served to increase support for Morales. Following the election, the U.S. embassy maintained this critical stance, characterising Morales as a criminal and encouraging Bolivia's traditional parties to sign a broad agreement to oppose the MAS; Morales himself began alleging that the U.S. Eastern bank wire routing number Intelligence Agency was plotting to assassinate him.

Rise to prominence: 2003–2005[edit]

Morales with his vice presidential running mate, Álvaro García Linera, in 2005

In 2003, the Bolivian gas conflict broke out as activists – including coca growers – protested against the privatization of the country's natural gas supply and its sale to U.S. companies below the market value. Activists blocked off the road into La Paz, resulting in clashes with police. 80 were killed and 411 injured, among them officers, activists, and civilians, including children. Morales did not take an active role in the conflict, instead traveling to Libya and Switzerland, there describing the uprising as a "peaceful revolution in progress". The government accused Morales and the MAS of using the protests to overthrow Bolivia's parliamentary democracy with the aid of organized crime, FARC, and the far-left governments of Venezuela, Cuba, and Libya.

Morales led calls for President Sánchez de Lozada to step down over the death toll, gaining widespread support from the MAS, other activist groups, and the middle classes; with pressure building, Sánchez resigned and fled to Miami, Florida. He was replaced by Carlos Mesa, who tried to strike a balance between U.S. and cocalero demands, but whom Morales mistrusted. In November, Morales spent 24 hours with Cuban President Fidel Castro in Havana, and then met Argentinian President Nestor Kirchner. In the 2004 municipal election, the MAS became the country's largest national party, with 28.6% of all councilors in Bolivia. However, they failed to win the mayoralty in any big cities, reflecting their inability to gain widespread support among the urban middle-classes. In Bolivia's wealthy Santa Cruz region, a strong movement for autonomy had developed under the leadership of the Pro Santa Cruz Committee (Comite Pro Santa Cruz). Favorable to neoliberal economics and strongly wells fargo cashiers check policy of the cocaleros, they considered peoples bank cuba mo insurrection to secede from Bolivia should MAS take power.

In March 2005, Mesa resigned, citing the pressure of Morales and the cocalero road blocks and riots. Amid fears of civil war,Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé became President of a transitional government, preparing Bolivia for a general election in December 2005. Hiring the Peruvian Walter Chávez as its campaign manager, the MAS electoral campaign was based on Salvador Allende's successful campaign in the 1970 Chilean presidential election. Measures were implemented to institutionalize the party structure, giving it greater independence from the social movement; this was done to allow Morales and other MAS leaders to respond quickly to new developments without the lengthy process of consulting the bases, and to present a more moderate image away from the bases' radicalism. Although he had initially hoped for a female running mate, Morales eventually chose Marxist intellectual Álvaro García Linera as his vice presidential candidate, with some Bolivian press speculating as to a romantic relationship between the two. MAS' primary opponent was Jorge Quiroga and his center-right Social and Democratic Power, whose campaign was centered in Santa Cruz and which advocated continued neo-liberal reform; Quiroga accused Morales of promoting the legalization of cocaine and being a puppet for Venezuela.

With a turnout of 84.5%, the election saw Morales gain 53.7% of the vote, while Quiroga came second with 28.6%; Morales' was the first victory with an absolute majority in Bolivia for 40 years. Given that he was the sixth self-described leftist president to be elected in Latin America since 1998, his victory was identified as part of the broader regional pink tide. Becoming president-elect, Morales was widely described as Bolivia's first indigenous leader, at a time when around 62% of the population identified as indigenous; political analysts therefore drew comparisons with the election of Nelson Mandela to the South African Presidency in 1994. This resulted in widespread excitement among the indigenous people in the Americas, particularly those of Bolivia. His election caused concern among the country's wealthy and landowning classes, who feared state expropriation and nationalisation of their property, as well as far-right groups, who said it would spark a race war. He traveled to Cuba to spend time with Castro, before going to Venezuela, and then on tour to Europe, China, and South Africa; significantly, he avoided the U.S. In January 2006, Morales attended an indigenous spiritual ceremony at Tiwanaku where he was crowned Apu Mallku (Supreme Leader) of the Aymara, receiving gifts from indigenous peoples across Latin America. He thanked the goddess Pachamama for his victory and proclaimed that "With the unity of the people, we're going to end the colonial state and the neo-liberal model."

[edit]

Main article: Presidency of Evo Morales

[edit]

In the world there are large and small countries, rich countries and poor countries, but we are equal in one thing, which is our right to dignity and sovereignty.

— Evo Morales, Inaugural Speech, 22 January 2006.

Morales' inauguration took place on 22 January in La Paz. It was attended by various heads of state, including Argentina's Kirchner, Venezuela's Chávez, Brazil's Lula da Silva, and Chile's Ricardo Lagos. Morales wore an Andeanized suit designed by fashion designer Beatriz Canedo Patiño, and gave a speech that included a minute silence in memory of cocaleros and indigenous activists killed in the struggle. He condemned Bolivia's former "colonial" regimes, likening them to South Africa under apartheid and stating that the MAS' election would lead to a "refoundation" of the country, a term that the MAS consistently used over "revolution". Morales repeated these views in his convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

In taking office, Morales emphasized nationalism, anti-imperialism, and anti-neoliberalism, although did not initially refer to his administration as socialist. He immediately reduced both his own presidential wage and that of his ministers by 57% to $1,875 a month, also urging members of Congress to do the same.[110] Morales gathered together a largely inexperienced cabinet made up of indigenous activists and leftist intellectuals, although over the first three years of government there was a rapid turnover in the cabinet as Morales replaced many of the indigenous members with trained middle-class leftist politicians. By 2012 only 3 of the 20 cabinet members identified as indigenous.

Economic program[edit]

At the time of Morales' election, Bolivia was South America's poorest nation. Morales' government did not initiate fundamental change to Bolivia's economic structure, and their National Development Plan (PDN) for 2006–10 adhered largely to the country's previous liberal economic model. Bolivia's economy was based largely on the extraction of natural resources, with the nation having South America's second largest reserves of natural gas. Keeping to his election pledge, Morales took increasing state control of the hydrocarbon industry with Supreme Decree 2870; previously, corporations paid 18% of their profits to the state, but Morales symbolically reversed this, so that 82% of profits went to the state and 18% to the companies. The oil companies threatened to take the case to the international courts or cease operating in Bolivia, but ultimately relented. As a result, Bolivia's income from hydrocarbon extraction increased from $173 million in 2002 to $1.3 billion by 2006. Although not technically a form of nationalization, Morales and his government referred to it as such, resulting in criticism from sectors of the Bolivian left. In June 2006, Morales announced his plan to nationalize mining, electricity, telephones, and railroads. In February 2007, the government nationalized the Vinto metallurgy plant and refused to compensate Glencore, which the government said had obtained the contract illegally. Although the FSTMB miners' federation called for the government to nationalize the mines, the government did not do so, instead stating that any transnational corporations operating in Bolivia legally would not be expropriated.

Under Morales, Bolivia experienced unprecedented economic strength, resulting in an increase in value of its currency, the boliviano. Morales' first year in office ended with no fiscal deficit, which was the first time this had happened in Bolivia for 30 years. During the global financial crisis of 2007–08 Bolivia maintained one of the world's highest levels of economic growth. Such economic strength led to a nationwide boom in construction, and allowed the state to build up strong financial reserves. Although the level of social spending was increased, it remained relatively low, with a priority being the construction of paved roads and community spaces such as soccer fields and union buildings. In particular, the government focused on rural infrastructure improvement, to bring roads, running water, and electricity to areas that lacked them.

The government's stated intention was to reduce Bolivia's most acute poverty levels from 35% to 27% of the population, and moderate poverty levels from 58.9% to 49% over five years. The welfare state was expanded, as characterized by the introduction of wells fargo custom design debit card old-age pensions and payments to mothers provided their babies are taken for health checks and that their children attend school. Hundreds of free tractors were also handed out. The prices of gas and many foodstuffs were controlled, and local food producers were made to sell in the local market rather than export. A new state-owned body was also set up to distribute food at subsidized prices. All these measures helped to curb inflation, while the economy grew (partly because of rising public spending), accompanied by stronger public finances which brought economic stability.[128]

During Morales' first term, Bolivia broke free of the domination of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) which had characterized previous regimes by refusing their financial aid and connected regulations.[clarification needed] In May 2007, it became the world's first country to withdraw from the International Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes, with Morales stating that the institution had consistently favored multinational corporations in its judgments. Bolivia's lead was followed by other Latin American nations. Despite being encouraged to do so by the U.S., Bolivia refused to join the Free Trade Area of the Americas, deeming it a form of U.S. imperialism.

A major dilemma faced by Morales' administration was between the desire to expand extractive industries in order to fund social programs and provide employment, and to protect the country's environment from the pollution caused by those industries. Although his government professed an environmentalist ethos, expanding environmental monitoring and becoming a leader in the voluntary Forest Stewardship Council, Bolivia continued to witness rapid deforestation for agriculture and illegal logging. Economists on both the left and right expressed concern over the government's lack of economic diversification. Many Bolivians opined that Morales' government had failed to bring about sufficient job creation.

ALBA and international appearances[edit]

Morales with regional allies, at the Fórum Social Mundial for Latin America: President of Paraguay Lugo, President of Brasil Lula, President of Equador Correaand President of Venezuela Chávez.

Morales' administration sought strong links with the far-left governments of Cuba and Venezuela. In April 2005 Morales traveled to Havana for knee surgery, there meeting with the two nations' presidents, Castro and Chávez. In April 2006, Bolivia agreed to join Cuba and Venezuela in founding the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), with Morales attending ALBA's conference in May, at which they initiated with a Peoples' Trade Agreement (PTA). Meanwhile, his administration became "the least US-friendly government in Bolivian history". In September Morales visited the U.S. for the first time to attend the UN General Assembly, where he gave a speech condemning U.S. President George W. Bush as a terrorist for launching the War in Afghanistan and Iraq War, and called for the UN Headquarters to be moved out of the country. In the U.S., he met with former presidents Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter and with Native American groups. Relations were further strained between the two nations when in December Morales issued a Supreme Decree requiring all U.S. citizens visiting Bolivia to have a visa. His government also refused to grant legal immunity to U.S. soldiers in Bolivia; hence the U.S. cut back their military support to the country by 96%.

In December 2006, he attended the first South-South conference in Abuja, Nigeria, there meeting Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, whose government had recently awarded Morales the Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights. Morales proceeded straight to Havana for a conference celebrating Castro's life, where he gave a speech arguing capital one corporate email address stronger links between Latin America and the Middle East to combat U.S. imperialism. Under his administration, diplomatic relations were established with Iran, with Morales praising Iranian PresidentMahmoud Ahmadinejad as a revolutionary comrade. In April 2007 he attended the first South American Energy Summit in Venezuela, arguing with many allies over the issue of biofuel, which he opposed. He had a particularly fierce argument with Brazilian President Lula over Morales' desire to bring Bolivia's refineries – which were largely owned by Brazil's Petrobrás – under state control. In May, Bolivia purchased the refineries and transferred them to the Bolivian State Petroleum Company (YPFB).

Social reform[edit]

Morales with Brazilian President Lula

Morales' government sought to encourage a model of development based upon the premise of vivir bien, or "to live well". This entailed seeking social harmony, consensus, the elimination of discrimination, and wealth redistribution; in doing so, it was rooted in communal rather than individual values and owed more to indigenous Andean forms of social organization than Western ones.

Upon Morales' election, Bolivia's illiteracy rate was at 16%, the highest in South America. Attempting to rectify this with the aid of far left allies, Bolivia launched a literacy campaign with Cuban assistance, and Venezuela invited 5000 Bolivian high school graduates to study in Venezuela for free. By 2009, UNESCO declared Bolivia free from illiteracy. The World Bank stated that illiteracy had declined by 5%. Cuba also aided Bolivia in the development of its medical care, opening ophthalmological centers in the country to treat 100,000 Bolivians for free per year, and offering 5000 free scholarships for Bolivian students to study medicine in Cuba. The government sought to expand state medical facilities, opening twenty hospitals by 2014, and increasing basic medical coverage up to the age of 25. Their approach sought to utilize and harmonize both mainstream Western medicine and Bolivia's traditional medicine.

The 2006 Bono Juancito Pinto program provided US$29 per year to parents who kept their children in public school with an attendance rate above 80%.[151][152] 2008's Renta Dignidad initiative expanded the previous Bonosol social security for seniors program, increasing payments to $344 per year, and lowering the eligibility age from 65 to 60.[154][155] 2009's Bono Juana Azurduy program expanded a previous public maternity insurance, giving cash to low-income mothers who proved that they and their baby had received pre- and post-natal medical care, and gave birth in an authorized medical facility.[157] Conservative critics of Morales' government said that these measures were designed to buy off the poor and ensure continued support for the government, particularly the Bono Juancito Pinto which is distributed very close to election day.[159]

Morales announced that one of the top priorities of his government was to eliminate racism against the country's indigenous population. To do this, he announced that all civil servants were required to learn one of Bolivia's three indigenous languages, Quechua, Aymara, or Guaraní, within two years. His government encouraged the development of indigenous cultural projects, and sought to encourage more indigenous people to attend university; by 2008, it was estimated that half of the students enrolled in Bolivia's 11 public universities were indigenous, while three indigenous-specific universities had been established, offering subsidized education. In 2009, a Vice Ministry for Decolonization was established, which proceeded to pass the 2010 Law against Racism and Discrimination banning the espousal of racist views in private or public institutions. Various commentators noted that there was a renewed sense of pride among the country's indigenous population following Morales' election. Conversely, the opposition accused Morales' administration of aggravating racial tensions between indigenous, white, and mestizo populations, and of using the Racism and Discrimination law to attack freedom of the press.[169][170]

Morales and Vice President Álvaro García Linera in 2006 shining the shoesof shoeshine boys.

On International Workers' Day 2006, Morales issued a presidential decree undoing aspects of the informalization of labor which had been implemented by previous neoliberal governments; this was seen as a highly symbolic act for labor rights in Bolivia. In 2009 his government put forward suggested reforms to the 1939 labor laws, although lengthy discussions with trade unions hampered the reforms' progress. Morales' government increased the legal minimum wage by 50%, and reduced the pension age from 65 to 60, and then in 2010 reduced it again to 58.

While policies were brought in to improve the living conditions of the working classes, conversely many middle-class Bolivians felt that they had seen their social standing decline, with Morales personally mistrusting the middle-classes, deeming them fickle. A 2006 law reallocated state-owned lands, with this agrarian reform entailing distributing land to traditional communities rather than individuals. In 2010, a law was introduced permitting the formation of recognized indigenous territories, although the implementation of this was hampered by bureaucracy and contesting claims over ownership. Morales' government also sought to improve women's rights in Bolivia. In 2010, it founded a Unit of Depatriarchalization to oversee this process. Further seeking to provide legal recognition and support to LGBT rights, it declared 28 June to be Sexual Minority Rights Day in the country, and encouraged the establishment of a gay-themed television show on the state channel.

Adopting a policy known as "Coca Yes, Cocaine No", Morales' administration ensured the legality of coca growing, and introduced measures to regulate the production and trade of the crop. In 2007, they announced that they would permit the growing of 50,000 acres of coca in the country, primarily for the purposes of domestic consumption, with each family being restricted to the growing of one cato (1600 meters squared) of coca.

A social control program was implemented whereby local unions took on responsibility for ensuring that this quota was not exceeded; in doing so, they hoped to remove the need for military and police intervention, and thus stem the violence of previous decades. Measures were implemented to ensure the industrialization of coca production, with Morales inaugurating the first coca industrialization plant in Chulumani, which produced and packaged coca and trimate tea; the project was primarily funded through a $125,000 donation from Venezuela under the PTA scheme.

These industrialization measures proved largely unsuccessful given that coca remained illegal in most nations outside Bolivia, thus depriving the growers of an international market. Campaigning against this, in 2012 Bolivia withdrew from the UN 1961 Convention which had called for global criminalisation of coca, and in 2013 successfully convinced the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs to declassify coca as a narcotic. The U.S. State Department criticized Bolivia, saying that it was regressing in its counter-narcotics efforts, and dramatically reduced aid to Bolivia to $34 million to fight the narcotics trade in 2007. Nevertheless, the number of cocaine seizures in Bolivia increased under Morales' government, as they sought to encourage coca growers to report and oppose cocaine producers and traffickers. High levels of police corruption surrounding the illicit trade in cocaine remained a continuing problem for Bolivia.

Morales' government also introduced measures to tackle Bolivia's endemic corruption; in 2007, Morales issued a presidential decree to create the Ministry of Institutional Transparency and Fight Against Corruption. Critics said that MAS members were rarely prosecuted for the crime, the main exception being YPFB head Santos Ramírez, who was sentenced to twelve years imprisonment for corruption in 2008. A 2009 law that permitted the retroactive prosecution for corruption led to legal cases being brought against a number of opposition politicians for alleged corruption in the pre-Morales period and many fled abroad to avoid standing trial.

Domestic unrest and the new constitution[edit]

During his presidential campaign, Morales had supported calls for regional autonomy for Bolivia's departments. As president, he changed his position, viewing the calls for autonomy – which came from Bolivia's four eastern departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando, and Tarija – as an attempt by the wealthy bourgeoisie living in these regions to preserve their economic position. He nevertheless agreed to a referendum on regional autonomy, held in July 2006; the four eastern departments voted in favor of autonomy, but Bolivia as a whole voted against it by 57.6%. In September, autonomy activists launched strikes and blockades across eastern Bolivia, resulting in violent clashes with MAS activists. In January 2007, clashes in Cochabamba between activist groups led to fatalities, with Morales' government sending in troops to maintain the peace. The left-indigenous activists formed a Revolutionary Departmental Government, but Morales denounced it as illegal and continued to recognize the legitimacy of right-wing departmental head Manfred Reyes Villa.

In July 2006, an election to form a Constitutional Assembly was held, which saw the highest ever electoral turnout in the nation's history. MAS won 137 of its 255 seats, after which the Assembly was inaugurated in August. The Assembly was the first elected parliamentary body in Bolivia which features strong campesino and indigenous representation. In November, the Assembly approved a new constitution, which converted the Republic of Bolivia into the Plurinational State of Bolivia, describing it as a "plurinational communal and social unified state". The constitution emphasized Bolivian sovereignty of natural resources, separated church and state, forbade foreign military bases in the country, implemented a two-term limit for the presidency, and permitted limited regional autonomy. It also enshrined every Bolivians' right to water, food, free health care, education, and housing. In enshrining the concept of plurinationalism, one commentator noted that it suggested "a profound reconfiguration of the state itself" by recognising the rights to self-determination of various nations within a single state.

In May 2008, the eastern departments pushed for greater autonomy, but Morales' government rejected the legitimacy of their position. They called for a referendum on recalling Morales, which saw an 83% turnout and in which Morales was ratified with 67.4% of the vote. Unified as the National Council for Democracy (CONALDE), these groups – financed by the wealthy agro-industrialist, petroleum, and financial elite – embarked on a series of destabilisation campaigns to unseat Morales' government.Unrest then broke out across eastern Bolivia, as radicalized autonomist activists established blockades, occupied airports, clashing with pro-government demonstrations, police, and armed forces. Some formed paramilitaries, bombing state companies, indigenous NGOs, and human rights organisations, also launching armed racist attacks on indigenous communities, culminating in the Pando Massacre of MAS activists. The autonomists gained support from some high-ranking politicians; Santa Cruz Governor Rubén Costas lambasted Morales and his supporters with racist epithets, accusing the president of being an Aymara fundamentalist and a totalitarian dictator responsible for state terrorism. Amid the unrest, foreign commentators began speculating on the possibility of civil war.

After it was revealed that USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives had supplied $4.5 million to the pro-autonomist departmental governments of the eastern provinces, in September 2008 Morales accused the U.S. ambassador to Bolivia, Philip Goldberg, of "conspiring against democracy" and encouraging the civil unrest, ordering him to leave the country. The U.S. government responded by expelling Bolivian ambassador to the U.S., Gustavo Guzman. Bolivia subsequently expelled the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) from the country, while the U.S. responded by withdrawing their Peace Corps. Chávez stood in solidarity with Bolivia by ordering the U.S. ambassador Patrick Duddy out of his country and withdrawing the Venezuelan ambassador to the U.S. The Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) convened a special meeting to discuss the Bolivian situation, expressing full support for Morales' government.

Although unable to quell the autonomist violence, Morales' government refused to declare a state of emergency, believing that the autonomists were attempting to provoke them into doing so. Instead, they decided to compromise, entering into talks with the parliamentary opposition. As a result, 100 of the 411 glenview state bank review of the Constitution were changed, with both sides compromising on certain issues. Nevertheless, the governors of the eastern provinces rejected the changes, believing it gave them insufficient autonomy, while various Indianist and leftist members of MAS felt that the amendments conceded too much to the political right. The constitution was put to a referendum in January 2009, in which it was approved by 61.4% of voters.

Following the approval of the new Constitution, the 2009 general election was called. The opposition sought to delay the election by demanding a new biometric registry system, hoping that it would give them time to form a united front against MAS. Many MAS activists reacted violently against the demands, and attempting to prevent this. Morales went on a five-day hunger strike in April 2009 to push the opposition to rescind their demands. He also agreed to allow for the introduction of a new voter registry, but said that it was rushed through so as not to delay the election. Morales and the MAS won with a landslide majority, polling 64.2%, while voter participation had reached an all-time high of 90%. His primary opponent, Reyes Villa, gained 27% of the vote. The MAS won a two-thirds majority in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. Morales notably increased his support in the east of the country, with MAS gaining a majority in Tarija. In response peoples bank cuba mo his victory, Morales proclaimed that he was "obligated to accelerate the pace of change and deepen socialism" in Bolivia, seeing his re-election as a mandate to further his reforms.

[edit]

During his second term, Morales began to speak openly of "communitarian socialism" as the ideology that he desired for Bolivia's future. He assembled a new cabinet which was 50% female, a first for Bolivia, although by 2012, that had dropped to a third. One of the main tasks that faced his government during this term was the aim of introducing legislation that would cement the extension of rights featured in the new constitution. In April 2010, the departmental elections saw further gains for MAS. In 2013, the government passed a law to combat domestic violence against women.

Morales at an international conference in 2012

In December 2009, Morales attended the 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark, where he blamed climate change on capitalism and called for a financial transactions tax to fund climate change mitigation. Ultimately deeming the conference to have been a failure, he oversaw the World's People Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth outside of Cochabamba in April 2010.

Following the victories of Barack Obama and the Democratic Party in the 2008 U.S. presidential election, relations between Bolivia and the U.S. improved slightly, and in November 2009 the countries entered negotiations to restore diplomatic relations. After the U.S. backed the 2011 military intervention in Libya by NATO forces, Morales condemned Obama, calling for his Nobel Peace Prize to be revoked. The two nations restored diplomatic relations in November 2011, although Morales refused to allow the DEA back into the country.

In October 2012, the government passed a Law walmart deli hours today near me Mother Earth that banned genetically modified organisms (GMOs) being grown in Bolivia. This was praised by environmentalists and criticized by the nation's soya growers, who said that it would make them less competitive on the global market.

In July 2013, Morales attended a summit in Moscow where he said he was open to offering political asylum to Edward Snowden, who was staying in the Moscow airport at the time. On 2 July 2013, while travelling back to Bolivia from the summit, his presidential plane was forced to land in Austria when Portuguese, French, Spanish and Italian authorities denied it access to their airspace.[238][239] Bolivian Foreign Minister David Choquehuanca said the European states had acted on "unfounded suspicions that Mr. Snowden was on the plane".[239] The Organisation of American States condemned "actions that violate the basic rules and principles of international law such as the inviolability of Heads of State", and demanded that the European governments explain their actions and apologise. An emergency meeting of the Union of South American Nations denounced "the flagrant violation of international treaties" by European powers.[239][240] Latin American leaders describe the incident as a "stunning violation of national sovereignty and disrespect for the region".[241] Morales himself described the incident as a "hostage" situation.[242] France apologised for the incident the next day.[243] Snowden said that the forced grounding of Morales plane may have prompted Russia to allow him to leave the Moscow airport.[244]

In 2014, Morales became the oldest active professional soccer player in the world after signing a contract for $200 a month with Sport Boys Warnes.[245]

On 31 July 2014, Morales condemned the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict and declared Israel a "terrorist state".[246]

Domestic protests[edit]

Morales addressing Bolivia's Parliament

Morales' second term was heavily affected by infighting and dissent from within his support base, as indigenous and leftist activists rejected several government reforms. In May 2010, his government announced a 5% rise in the minimum wage. The Bolivian Workers' Central (COB) felt this insufficient given the rising cost of living, calling a general strike, while protesters clashed with police. The government refused to increase the rise, accusing protesters of being pawns of the right. In August 2010, violent protests broke out in southern Potosí over widespread unemployment and a lack of infrastructure investment. In December 2010, the government cut subsidies for gasoline and diesel fuels, which raised fuel prices and transport costs. Protests led Morales to nullify the decree, responding that he "ruled by obeying". In June 2012, Bolivia's police launched protests against anti-corruption reforms to the police service; they burned disciplinary case records and demanded salary increases. Morales' government relented, canceling many of the proposed reforms and agreeing to the wage rise.

In 2011, the government announced it had signed safety 1st grow and go reviews contract with a Brazilian company to construct a highway connecting Beni to Cochabamba, which would pass through the Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS). This would better integrate the Beni and Pando departments with the rest of Bolivia and facilitate hydrocarbons exploration. The plan brought condemnation from environmentalists and indigenous communities living in the TIPNIS, who said that it would encourage deforestation and illegal settlement and that how to make bb gun targets violated the constitution and United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The issue became an international cause célèbre and cast doubt on the government's environmentalist and indigenous rights credentials. In August, 800 protesters embarked on a protest march from Trinidad to La Paz; many were injured in clashes with police and supporters of the road. Two government ministers and other high-ranking officials resigned in protest and Morales' government relented, announcing suspension of the road. In October 2011, he passed Law 180, prohibiting further road construction, although the government proceeded with a consultation, eventually gaining the consent of 55 of the 65 communities in TIPNIS to allow the highway to be built, albeit with a variety of concessions; construction was scheduled to take place after the 2014 general election.[254][255] In May 2013, the government announced that it would permit hydrocarbon exploration in Bolivia's 22 national parks, to widespread condemnation from environmentalists.

[edit]

In 2008, Morales stated that he would not stand for re-election in the 2014 general election. The 2009 Bolivian constitution places a term limit of two consecutive presidential terms.[257] However, a 2013 ruling by the Plurinational Constitutional Court held that Morales' first term did not count towards the term limit, because it had taken place prior to the ratification of the 2009 constitution. The court ruling, which was criticized by opposition politicians, allowed Morales to run for a third term as president.[258] After standing for re-election how to embed a pdf in an email proclaiming victory, Morales declared it "a triumph of the anti-colonialists and anti-imperialists" and dedicated his win to both Castro and Chávez.[259][260][261]

On the basis of this victory, the Financial Times remarked that Morales was "one of the world's most popular leaders".[262] On 17 October 2015, Morales surpassed Andrés de Santa Cruz's nine years, eight months, and twenty-four days in office and became Bolivia's longest serving president.[263][264] Writing in The Guardian, Ellie Mae O'Hagan attributes his enduring popularity not to anti-imperialist rhetoric but his "extraordinary socio-economic reforms," which resulted in poverty and extreme poverty declining by 25% and 43% respectively.[265] Bolivia's newly implemented universal healthcare system has been cited as a model for all by the World Health Organization.[266]

In early February 2016 there were rumors that Morales had had a child with a young woman, Gabriela Zapata Montaño, and had granted favors to the Chinese company that she worked for.[267] Morales said that they had had a son who died in infancy, but that he had not granted any favors and had not been in contact with Zapata Montaño since 2007.[268] The commission that investigated the issue concluded that Morales was not at fault. Zapata Montaño was later sentenced to ten years in prison for illegal financial behavior.[269]

Morales attended the swearing-in ceremony of Venezuela's president Nicolás Maduro for his second term on January 10, 2019.[270] In April 2019, Morales condemned the arrest of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.[271]

[edit]

Controversy arose when a new $34 million presidential skyscraper office and residence, the Casa Grande del Pueblo, was constructed in the historical Plaza Murillo.[272][273] The proposal was initially declined due to municipal height restrictions in the historical district, though Morales' parliamentary majority in the Plurinational Legislative Assembly overrode the ban, permitting the tower's construction.[272][273] The Casa Grande del Pueblo was inaugurated by Morales on 9 August 2018.[274]

The 29-story tower standing at 120 metres (390 ft) was the tallest building in the capital city of La Paz when completed.[275][276] It was designed by Bolivian architects and decorated with indigenous motifs representing traditional Bolivian culture.[272] The skyscraper was built to replace the former presidential palace, which Morales planned to turn into a museum.[277] The building features a helipad and the top two floors were reserved for the president, featuring a gym, spa, Jacuzzi and private elevator.[272][273] The presidential suite in total was 1,068 square metres (11,500 sq ft), with the bathroom and dressing room measuring at 47 square metres (510 sq ft) while the bedroom was 61 square metres (660 sq ft).[278] According to Diario Pagina Siete, Morales' bedroom was the same size as the average home provided by his government housing project.[278]

Many analysts and opposition politicians of Morales criticised the spending due to the high levels of poverty in Bolivia.[278]NPR described the new residence as "a luxurious new peoples bank cuba mo and that critics contend that "Morales is acting more like an emperor than a president",[279] while Reuters wrote that Morales "alienated those who once backed him, especially by building the ostentatious presidential palace".[280] Bolivian CardinalToribio Ticona Porco dubbed the tower "Evo Palace" and criticized the opulence invested into it.[273]

After signing the contract for the new building, Morales stated that it was "not a luxury" since it would also house offices for different ministries, cabinet meeting rooms, a center for indigenous ceremonies and a 1,000-seat auditorium as well as rooms for exclusive presidential use.[277] He also stated that the project would reduce government spending by $20 million per year as five other ministries would move into the building.[272] He said the Casa Grande del Pueblo was a break with the past and described the previous residence, the Palacio Quemado or "Burnt Palace", as a vestige of colonialism and a symbol of neoliberal governments that stripped the State of its wealth, its heritage and its memory.[274] Morales' communication minister Gísela López responded to criticism, stating that the tower was "a necessity for the people".[274]

2019 election controversy and resignation[edit]

Main article: 2019 Bolivian political crisis

Despite Morales' declaration in 2014 that he would not attempt to alter the constitution so that he could serve a fourth term,[281] Morales began exploring legal efforts to make a fourth term possible in 2015.[282]

2016 referendum on term limits[edit]

See also: 2016 Bolivian constitutional referendum

Morales' party, the Movement for Socialism (MAS), sponsored an effort to amend the constitution by national vote. A referendum was authorized by a combined session of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly on 26 September 2015, by a vote of 112 to 41.[283][284] On 21 February 2016 the referendum was held on a constitutional amendment to allow presidents to serve three consecutive terms, which would have allowed Morales to run for a fourth term (third under the new constitution).[285][286][287] The proposed constitutional amendment narrowly lost.[288][289]

2017 Supreme Constitutional Tribunal ruling[edit]

Despite the referendum loss and Morales' earlier statement that he would not seek a fourth term if he lost the referendum,[290] in December 2016 MAS nominated Morales as their candidate for the 2019 presidential election, stating that they would seek various avenues to ensure the legality of Morales' candidacy.[291] In September 2017, MAS petitioned the Plurinational Constitutional Court to abolish term limits, based on the reasoning that term limits are a human rights violations under the American Convention on Peoples bank cuba mo Rights (ACHR), a binding multilateral treaty.[292] In November, the Court accepted the grounds of the petition. The ruling enabled Morales to submit his application as a presidential candidate to the Bolivian Electoral Tribunal, who then accepted his application and approved his candidacy.[293]

Critics said that both courts had been stacked with Morales loyalists, some of whom received favorable positions in the government following these decisions.[294][295]

In response to the decision by the Plurinational Constitutional Court, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Luis Almagro, stated that the clause in the American Convention on Human Rights cited by the Court "does not mean the right to perpetual power".[292] In 2019, Almagro publicly supported Morales' participation in the 2019 election, saying that "presidents [in other countries].have taken part in electoral processes on the grounds of a court ruling".[296] Opposition leader Samuel Doria Medina called the decision "a blow to the constitution".[292] The court of the ACHR in 2018 reviewed and upheld the legality of term limits, automatically triggering reinstatement of Bolivian term limit laws. The Bolivian Electoral Tribunal had already accepted Morales' application and declined to void his candidacy.

Between 28 and 30 September 2020, the Inter-American Court met in an advisory hearing to make a subsequent ruling on whether indefinite re-election as a human right was in compliance with the American Convention on Human Rights. At the virtual hearing, the IACHR argued against the ruling of the Bolivian Supreme court, saying "indefinite reelection is contrary to the American Convention due to its negative effects on representative democracy" and "States have the obligation to limit it (reelection). The alternation in power is the basis of representative democracy". Speaking at the hearing, former Bolivian President, Tuto Quiroga said that the primary objective of the Convention was to protect citizens, not be an instrument of "a tyrant".[297][298][299] None of those that submitted the appeal to the Plurinational Constitutional court appeared at the hearing to peoples bank cuba mo their position.[300]

2019 election[edit]

See also: 2019 Bolivian general election, 2019 Bolivian protests, and 2019 Bolivian political crisis

A general election was held on 20 October 2019. From 21 October 2019 until late November, mass street protests f train weekend counterprotests occurred in Bolivia in response to claims of electoral fraud. The claims of fraud were made after the suspension of the preliminary vote count, in which incumbent Evo Morales was not leading by a large enough margin (10%) to avoid a runoff, and the subsequent publication of the official count, in which Morales won by just over 10%.[301] The final count released on 25 October 2019 gave Morales 47.08% of the votes, with 36.51% for runner-up Carlos Mesa.[302] A margin under 10% would have automatically call bank mobile vibe customer service a runoff election between the top two candidates.[303]

Disputes about the results began on election night, when there was an unexplained 20 hour break in transmission of the results, leading to widespread protests across the country. Responding to concerns about vote tampering and violent protests, Morales asked the Organization of American States (OAS) to conduct an audit of the vote count.[304] Morales said he would call for a second-round runoff vote with Mesa if the OAS' audit found evidence of fraud.[303]

Re-evaluation of OAS findings[edit]

In June 2020, a group of independent researchers in the United States published a report which stated that the OAS's conclusion about the voting trend indicating election fraud was false and based on statistical errors and incorrect data.[305] The researchers from Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEBR), made up of a group of political scientists and experts on Latin American politics, concluded that there was "no statistical evidence of fraud" during the 2019 elections. The New York Times subsequently publicized these findings.[306] This study was criticized by the Bolivian government under Anez's administration, the OAS itself, and by a number of independent press as a campaign of fake news against the transitional government as a way to exonerate ex-President Morales of any responsibility for the events.[307][308] The Trump Justice Department had also on multiple occasions, contacted and threatened to subpoena two researchers at MIT for their study's findings that there was no electoral fraud on Bolivia and that it is “very likely” that Morales’ first-round election victory was in fact legitimate.[309][310]

On 15 October 2020, a study by Gary A. Hoover from the University of Oklahoma and Diego Escobari from the University of Texas found that there was evidence of a "statistically significant electoral case of fraud" that increased the votes of MAS and reduced the votes of the opposition.[311][312] In a survey conducted in June 2020 by the company IPSOS, for the Unión Nacional de Instituciones para el Trabajo de Acción Social (UNITAS), 73% of respondents agreed with the statement that there had been fraud in the October 2019 elections.[313]

The Bolivian government commissioned a report from the Bisite Deep Tech Lab Research Group of the University of Salamanca. The group's report was delivered in July 2021 and found that there was no manipulation of data in the official count or in the Transmission of Preliminary Electoral Results (TREP). After receiving the report, the Bolivian Attorney General's Office initially closed its investigation of electoral fraud in the 2019 elections.[314][better source needed] The Secretary Southeast financial federal credit union of the Attorney General's Office later declared that the investigation was still open.[315] Professor Juan Manuel Corchado Rodríguez, who elaborated the study, admitted that important aspects of the process, including the paralyzation of the TREP, electoral acts manipulation and the breaking of the chain of custody of electoral acts. According to Página Siete, at least seven irregularities took place during the comission of the report by the government.[316]

Resignation, asylum, and return to Bolivia[edit]

Morales resigned as president on 10 November 2019; he called his removal "forced" and a "coup" but also said that he wanted to stop the bloodshed.[317][318][319] He made the announcement from El Chapare, a coca-growing rural area of Cochabamba where he had sought refuge.[320] Mexico immediately offered him political asylum as "his life and safety are at risk" in Bolivia.[321] Armed intruders broke into Morales’ home in Cochabamba and he accused "coup plotters" of an arson attack on his sister's home and of putting a price of $50,000 (£38,000) on his head.[319][322] He said his fellow socialist leaders were being "harassed, persecuted and threatened".[319] He thanked Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, whom he credited with saving his life.[319]

On 11 November, a Mexican government plane flew Morales out of Cochabamba, refuelling in Paraguay before arriving in Mexico.[319] In December, Morales moved from Mexico to Argentina, where he was jpmorgan chase access hr login granted political asylum.[323] Later that month, an arrest warrant was issued for Morales by Bolivian prosecutors for alleged sedition and terrorism. The interim government alleged that Morales promoted violent clashes in the country before and after he left office.[324][325] In February 2020, Morales announced that he would run for a seat in the Plurinational Legislative Assembly in the 2020 Bolivian general election.[326] On 20 February however, the national electoral tribunal ruled that Morales was ineligible to run for Senate.[327] In September 2020, Human Rights Watch reported that it had found no evidence that Morales committed acts of terrorism and described the charges against him as politically motivated.[328] In October 2020, the charges were dropped and the arrest warrant dismissed when a court in La Paz found Morales' rights had been violated and judicial procedures breached.[329]

Return to Bolivia[edit]

The election of MAS candidate Luis Arceas Bolivia's President in 2020 facilitated Morales' return from exile

One day after new president Luis Arce was sworn into office, on 9 November 2020 Morales returned to Bolivia after 11 months abroad.[330] He traveled through Potosí and Oruro before reaching Cochabamba, where a crowd of over a million people met him. He thanked Bolivia for "fighting the right-wing coup and defeating imperialism with democracy" and proposed the relaunch of UNASUR. Morales intended settling in Cochabamba to resume union work and support MAS.[331]

Early decisions made by the Arce administration as well as MAS itself indicated that Morales' influence in the party had declined. In late November and early December, MAS officials began the process of selecting party candidates to run in the upcoming March 2021 regional elections. In four departments (Chuquisaca, Potosí, Cochabamba, and Pando), candidates for governor endorsed by Morales were not chosen by MAS officials.[332] On 11 December, Morales tweeted Miguel “Chiquitín” Becerra would be the MAS candidate for Governor of Pando.[333] This was met by surprise by MAS officials in Pando as Becerra had not even entered the list of candidates voted on as he did not meet the minimum membership requirement of eight years in the party. Instead, Germán Richter had been chosen as the candidate 5 days prior on 7 December. On 14 December, MAS officials in Tarija and Santa Cruz proclaimed Rodolfo Meyer and Adriana Salvatierra as candidates for mayor of those cities before Morales had had the opportunity to arrive.[334]

The same day in the town of Lauca, Morales participated in a meeting to nominate a candidate for Governor of Santa Cruz. Though Morales initially endorsed former Mayor of Warnes Mario Cronenbold, he withdrew his support when Cronenbold made statements in favor of not prosecuting Luis Fernando Camacho, an anti-Morales activist.[335] Instead, Morales endorsed former Minister of Government Carlos Romero as a candidate for governor. However, the announcement of the appointment of Romero was rejected by the meeting's participants with shouts calling for renewal. The discontent ultimately resulted in one person throwing a plastic chair at Morales in what was dubbed the "silletazo."[336] Morales blamed the incident on opposition party backers who infiltrated the rally.[337] Half an hour later, Romero was withdrawn as a candidate and Morales announced television presenter Pedro García as the new nominee.[338] However, the following day MAS bases and grassroots social organizations ratified Mario Cronenbold as their candidate for governor in opposition to García.[335][339]

The "silletazo" was met by various reactions within and outside of the party. Former UD Deputy Rafael Quispe affirmed that the event showed that Morales has "finished his cycle and [.] should go home."[340]Civic Community

Источник: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evo_Morales